A sociodemographic profile of the participants in the Croatian Islands' Birth Cohort Study (CRIBS) Sociodemografski profil sudionica u Kohortnoj

U radu je predstavljen sociodemografski profil sudionica u Kohortnoj studiji rođenih na istočnojadranskim otocima (CRIBS), prvoj longitudinalnoj studiji u Hrvatskoj koja prati trudnice i njihovu djecu do navršene dvije godine života. Uzorak čini 286 trudnica (145 s otoka Brača i Hvara te 141 trudnica s kopna). Cilj je ove studije: 1) opisati glavna obilježja CRIBS uzorka, 2) usporediti uzorak s općom hrvatskom populacijom, 3) analizirati razlike među sudionicama u projektu CRIBS s obzirom na mjesto stanovanja (otoci vs. kopno) i tip obitelji u kojoj žive (nuklearna vs. proširena obitelj). U usporedbi s ženama s kopna otočanke su češće višerotkinje i češće završavaju samo srednju školu, dok većina žena na kopnu ima fakultetsko obrazovanje. Prevladavanje različitih tipova obitelji značajno se razlikuje između otoka i kopna, otočanke žive u proširenim obiteljima i imaju niže prosječne prihode kućanstava.


Introduction
In recent decades, almost all EU countries have faced similar demographic trends and changes. The Republic of Croatia is not an exception: its population has been declining for a quarter of a century, recently reaching the same population of more than 50 years ago (Čipin et al., 2016). Reasons for this trend vary: low fertility rates; changing family structure and migration; natural depopulation (negative natural change); total depopulation (from 1990); and intense population ageing (Wertheimer-Baletić, 2004;Nejašmić, 2008;Nejašmić and Toskić, 2013). The duration and intensity of these processes indicate very unfavourable demographic developments in Croatia (Gelo et al., 2005;Živić et al., 2005).
The Total Fertility Rate (TFR) in 2016 was 1.43 children per woman, which is significantly below the simple reproduction level (2.1) (Eurostat, 2017). In 2016, there were 37,537 live births and the live birth rate was 9.0. The average age of a mother at birth of her first child was 28.3 (Croatian Bureau of Statistics, 2017). Furthermore, there was a change in the longterm birth rate in relation to the age of women bearing children, and the same trend continued in 2017. Pregnancies were the most common in women 30 to 34 years old (ASFR 1 was 88.9 in 2016 and 91.4 in 2017) (Rodin et al., 2018).
According to demographers, the main demographic reason for low fertility is late childbearing, which is associated with prolonged education and women's desire for career advancement. This shortens the primary reproductive period to only 10 to 15 years (Akrap and Čipin, 2011;Čipin, 2011). The most cited reasons for low fertility in Croatia are: unemployment and sporadic work for people under the age of 30; a lack of adequate income to leave the parental home and form one's own family; jobs that require working atypical working hours (overtime and night work, work on Saturdays and Sundays); and housing problems (Akrap et al., 2003;Akrap and Čipin, 2008). Apart from demographic studies on fertility and birth, several sociological studies of women in Croatia based on empirical surveys were carried out at the end of the 20 th century (Tomić-Koludrović and 1 Age-specific fertility rates shows live births per 1,000 women in age groups.
The phenomenon of "prolonged youth" together with postponing the decision to get married and have children in Croatia is often not a matter of choice, but a response to economic insecurity and unemployment among younger people (Ilišin et al., 2013;Tomić-Koludrović, 2015). The Croatian islands share the same negative demographic trends and are characterised by even more intense depopulation than the mainland. The factors recognised to have distorted the demographic structure and traditional economic structure (agriculture, fishing, fishing based industries, crafts, etc.) of Croatian islands were low and declining birth rates, negative natural change, a longterm emigration of younger population, high degree of population ageing, and especially low fertility rates (Lajić, 1992;Lajić and Nejašmić, 1994). The Croatian islands are unique because of their gravitational and functional orientation to nearby coastal centres (Marinković, 2016). In the last couple of decades, the island population has been exposed to various mainland influences that have affected their traditional way of life (Podgorelec and Klempić Bogadi, 2013).
Modern economic processes have changed the island landscape and affect the island environment. Tourism development has gradually become the most important, and often the only, economic activity. Of the total number of islanders on Adriatic islands, who were employed in tourism and hospitality in 2001, 94.6% (N=8,388) were from ten Croatian islands: Krk; Hvar; Brač; Lošinj; Rab; Korčula; Murter; Pag; Cres; and Ugljan. On the ten named islands, a quarter of the population (24.9%) was employed in tourism (Zupanc et al., 2001). Tourism in the Adriatic is also the main contemporary migration factor: the ability to find a job in tourism motivates people to come to the islands. Therefore, some of the island settlements have a large share of allochthonous population in their demographic structure (Nejašmić, 1998;1999;Lajić et al., 2001).
In addition to demographic studies, socio-demographic studies of the quality of life, migration, and lifestyles, predominately of older (Podgorelec, 2008;Podgorelec and Klempić-Bogadi, 2014;Podgorelec et al., 2015) and younger population (Babić and Lajić, 2002;Babić, 2003;Babić et al., 2004;Barada et al., 2016), have also been conducted. These studies were carried out mainly on northern Dalmatian and Kvarner islands. Only two aforementioned studies included attitudes towards migration: one on the Central Dalmatian island of Brač (Nakićen and Čuka, 2016) and the other regarding satisfaction with quality of life of young people on the island of Vis (Barada, 2014;Barada and Vakanjac, 2014;Barada et al., 2016).
So far, studies focused on women on the islands have been rare. These include research on attitudes, values, and behaviour of women in their leisure time (Tomić-Koludrović and Leburić, 2001), ageing of women on the islands (Podgorelec and Bara, 2014), and recent marriage-related migration on islands (Marinović Golubić, 2017). There have been no studies on pregnant women and young mothers in Dalmatia, making the Croatian Islands' Birth Cohort Study (CRIBS) pilot-project the first research study of its kind for this section of the population. The project was carried out in keeping with four decades of holistic, anthropological, interdisciplinary research of 40 % otočnih došljaka podrijetlom iz naselja iste županije. Ti su otočani uvjetno rečeno doseljenici jer se njihovo migriranje odvijalo u geografski, kulturološki, vjerski i administrativno poznatome migracijskom okruženju (Lajić i Mišetić, 2006, 116).

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the Croatian islands and coast and their populations (Rudan et al., 2004). The current study continues the research of island populations using anthropological knowledge of population structure, but extends to more specific groups, which have not previously been investigated.
This paper presents the socio-demographic profile of pregnant women in the CRIBS study in relation to the general population of the Republic of Croatia. Furthermore, it analyses the differences between women from islands of Brač and Hvar and those from the mainland (city of Split with surroundings), dividing them according to place of residence (living on islands vs. living in mainland) and type of family they live in (nuclear vs. extended).

Sample and methods
The ongoing Croatian Islands' Birth Cohort Study (CRIBS) is the first longitudinal study in Croatia and in Southeast Europe which follows a representative sample of 500 pregnant women and their children up to two years of age.
The recruitment of pregnant women started in February, 2016 at gynaecological offices in Split and on the islands and ended at the end of October, 2018, reaching the representative sample size of 500 pregnant women. Inclusion criteria were: no history of chronic diseases; natural conception; and singleton pregnancies. Parity status was not discriminating factor. Participation in the study was voluntary and signed informed consent was obtained from all participants.
Extensive data were collected during pregnancy and after the birth of child through six questionnaires: two questionnaires during pregnancy (the first between the 18 th and 24 th weeks of gestation and the second between the 30 th and 32 nd weeks of gestation); and four of them after giving birth. They included comprehensive questions on family data, demography, socio-economic characteristics, genealogy, nutrition, health-related behaviour, psychosocial characteristics, and medical records. All CRIBS participants signed an informed consent prior to their inclusion in the study and they all gave birth at the University Hospital Centre Split. The study protocol desetljeća holističkih, antropoloških, interdisciplinarnih istraživanja hrvatskih otoka i obale s njihovim populacijama (Rudan i dr., 2004). Trenutačna studija nastavlja istraživanje otočnih populacija pomoću antropološkog znanja o strukturi stanovništva, ali se proteže na specifičnije skupine, koje se prethodno nisu istraživale.
The area of the CRIBS research is Split-Dalmatia County, specifically the city of Split with its surroundings and the islands of Hvar and Brač. Split-Dalmatia County is the second largest Croatian county, geographically located in the central part of the eastern Adriatic coast. The county is divided into three geographical subunits: the hinterland; the coastal area; and islands. The administrative centre is Split, the second-largest city in Croatia and the largest city on the Croatian coast. The county has 455,242 inhabitants and city of Split has 178,000 inhabitants. The two neighbouring Croatian islands Brač and Hvar belong to the group of Central Dalmatian islands. Brač, with an area of 395 km 2 , is the third largest island in the Adriatic, and Hvar, with an area of 300 km 2 , is the fourth largest. They are also among the most relatively densely populated Croatian islands. The island of Brač has 14,434 inhabitants living in 22 settlements, and a population density of 35.4 people per km 2 , whilst the island of Hvar has 11,077 inhabitants living in 24 settlements, and a population density of 34.3 people per km 2 (Population Census, 2011).
This descriptive-analytic study was conducted on 286 women (age 18 years or older) from the Split area and Brač and Hvar islands, who were participants in the CRIBS study. The size of the studied sample is, in this case, smaller than the total number of women who were included in the study when the analysis started (286 out of 364 included women, 78.6%) due to the following limitations: (1) inclusion of only mothers whose children were born before April 30 th , 2018 (the analysis started in May), who at the same time had (2) filled out the first questionnaire.
Out of the 286 women, 145 women were from the islands and 141 women were from the mainland. Regarding parity status, there were 47 primiparae 2 and 98 multiparae on the islands of Brač and Hvar, and 65 primiparae and 76 multiparae from the mainland.
Data from the first questionnaire included socio-demographic characteristics (age, place of birth, residence, marital status, partner's age, place of birth and residence), parity (primiparae, multiparae), and socio-economic status (SES) of the odobrilo je Etičko povjerenstvo Instituta za antropologiju u Zagrebu.

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CRIBS participants (highest level of education, employment status, household income, type of family).
The age of the women and age of their partners are their age on the day when their child was born. The difference between parents' birth dates and date of birth of their child is shown as decimal age. Moreover, since 30 women reported only year of birth of their partners (19 women on islands, 11 women at mainland) and 10 women did not respond to the question (6 on islands and 4 at mainland), decimal age could not be calculated for these 40 men.
The sample was divided in groups according to region of birth (islands, Split and surroundings, the rest of the Adriatic coast, continental Croatia and abroad) and country of origin (Croatia or abroadcountries of origin were designated for those who were born outside of Croatia). Thirteen CRIBS women did not respond to the question regarding the birth place of their partners (7 from islands and 6 from mainland).
In 2017, the average monthly net wage in permanent employment in the Republic of Croatia amounted to 5,961 HRK (789.4 EUR) and the net minimum wage was 2,752 HRK (364.4 EUR).

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HRVATSKI GEOGRAFSKI GLASNIK 81/1, 83−105 (2019.) The differences between sexes and between different groups were tested using Chi-square test and Student's t-test; the sample size differs due to missing data. Multivariable logistic regression analysis was used to assess how predictor (explanatory) variables (maternal age, parity, marital status, highest educational qualification, economic activity, and monthly income of a household) related to dependent (outcome) variables; the first binary logistic model used location of residence as a dependent variable, while the second one used family type.
The analyses were performed by SPSS Statistics 11.0 statistical package for Windows (SPSS Inc., Chicago, IL, USA), with statistical significance set at p<0.05.

Results
The mean age of participants was 30.55±4.39 years and the range was between 19.59 and 45.64 years. Their partners were significantly older with a mean age 33.93±5.93 years (range 19.12-61.85 years) (Tab. 1). The 19.4% of participants were born on the islands, as well as the 17.9% of fathers. Most of the parents were born in Split-Dalmatia County (74.5% of mothers and 76.6% of fathers).
In 84.5% of cases, the CRIBS fathers were older than their female partners, on average by 4.44±4.30 years, and in the rest of cases (15.5%) the CRIBS mothers were older than their male partners by 2.64±2.07 years (Tab. 2). The maximum age difference between partners in cases when the father was older was 26.89 years. When the mother was older the maximum difference was 8.80 years.
Significant differences were detected in the analysis that was performed to test how often women and men born in the Split-Dalmatia County chose partners from this region in comparison with partners from continental Croatia or abroad (Tab. 3). The most frequently (in 73.3% of cases) persons from the county chose a partner from the same county, but in 21.2% of cases persons from continental Croatia and abroad selected a partner from Split-Dalmatia County and vice versa (p<0.001).
Značajne razlike otkrivene su u analizi o tome kako često žene i muškarci rođeni u Splitsko-dalmatinskoj županiji odabiru partnere iz ove regije u usporedbi s partnerima iz kontinentalne Hrvatske ili inozemstva (tab. 3). Najčešće (u 73,3 % slučajeva) osobe iz županije izabiru partnera iz iste županije, ali u 21,2 % slučaja osobe iz kontinentalne Hrvatske i inozemstva odabiru partnera iz županije i obrnuto (p < 0,001). According to the parity status, 112 participants (39.2%) were primiparae and 174 participants (60.8%) were multiparae (Tab. 4). Of all the multiparae, 70.7% were secundiparae (n=123), 22.4% were triparae (n=39), 5.8% participants were quadriparae (n=10), and 2 participants were grand multiparae (one was expecting her fifth child and the other one was expecting her ninth child). There were significantly more CRIBS multiparae living on islands (67.6%) than on the mainland (53.9%) (p<0.05).  The region named "Split-Dalmatia County" included everyone who was born on the islands, in city of Split or surroundings or in the hinterland, while the region named the "Other Croatian counties and abroad" included persons who were born elsewhere in Croatia or in some foreign country. Size of the analysed sample is defined by missing data. The differences between groups were tested by Chi-square test (p<0.05) and frequency of couples in each group was calculated according to the total sample size in this analysis.

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Interestingly, the marital status of some of the CRIBS participants changed during pregnancy. At the time of recruitment into the study, 25.5% of women from the islands and 22.7% of women from the mainland were not married, while at the moment of childbirth only 9% of women from the islands and 4.3% of women from the mainland were unmarried (Tab. 4).
There was significant difference in the highest educational qualification level between women from the islands and the mainland; while on the islands most of the CRIBS participants had finished vocational or secondary school (60.7%), most of the women from the mainland had university degrees (48.9%) (p<0.001). Furthermore, the unemployment rate was similar regardless of whether a respondent lived on the islands (23.4%) or on the mainland (19.9%) (Tab. 4). The average monthly income of a household significantly differed between the island and the mainland populations (p<0.001); one in five families (21.5%) on islands earned no more than 5,000 HRK (700 EUR), which was reported for four times fewer families on the mainland (5%). Furthermore, two times more households on the mainland than on the islands earned >15,000 HRK (2,000 EUR) (9.9% vs. 4.9%, respectively).
The prevalence of different family type (nuclear vs. extended) also significantly differed between the islands and the mainland: while 27.1% of families on islands were extended, this type of housing was found in only 14.2% of families on the mainland (p<0.05) (Tab. 4).
These findings provided a basis for defining the factors which could predict the coexistence of the CRIBS participants with their or their partner's parents in family of extended type. Thus, differences between the CRIBS participants living in two family types (nuclear and extended) were tested (Tab. 5), and the contribution of variables to the prediction in what family type the CRIBS participants live in was noted (Tab. 6). In comparison to the CRIBS Zanimljivo je da se bračni status inicijalno neudanih žena u CRIBS-u promijenio tijekom trudnoće. Pri uključivanju u studiju 25,5 % žena s otoka i 22,7 % žena s kopna nije bilo udano, dok je u trenutku porođaja neudano bilo samo 9 % žena s otoka i 4,3 % žena s kopna (tab. 4).

Discussion
The socio-demographic profile of women from Central Dalmatian islands and the city of Split with its surroundings included in the CRIBS study has shown features of contemporary demographic trends and socio-economic processes. Women aged 30+ contribute to over 40% of all births in many countries of Western, Northern, and Southern Europe (Pinnelli, 2001, 64). The aforementioned trend was also confirmed in 2016 in Croatia (births were most common at the age of 30 to 34) (Rodin et al., 2018) and in the CRIBS study (the mean age of women at childbirth was 30.55±4.39 years). Analysis of the association between the highest qualification level of education, timing of the first birth and overall fertility levels showed that motherhood in CRIBS participants was postponed to later ages. Furthermore, the Rasprava Sociodemografski profil žena sa srednjodalmatinskih otoka i iz grada Splita s okolicom uključenih u studiju CRIBS pokazao je obilježja suvremenih demografskih trendova i društveno-ekonomskih procesa. Žene u dobi od 30 godina čine više od 40 % svih rotkinja u mnogim zemljama zapadne, sjeverne i južne Europe (Pinnelli, 2001, 64). Navedeni trend potvrđen je 2016. godine u Hrvatskoj (rođenja su bila najčešća u dobi od 30 do 34 godine) (Rodin i dr., 2018) i u studiji CRIBS (srednja dob žena kod poroda bila je 30,55 ± 4,39 godina). Analiza povezanosti između postignutoga obrazovnog stupnja, dobi pri prvom porodu i ukupne razine fertiliteta pokazala je da je majčinstvo kod sudionica u CRIBS-u odgođeno za kasnije dobne skupine. primiparae with a secondary level of education in the CRIBS study were significantly younger than the primiparae with university degrees (data not shown).
Almost 85% of the CRIBS fathers were older than the mothers and 73.3% of both parents in the CRIBS study were born and live in Split-Dalmatia County and choose their partners from the same region. This finding is in accordance with frequent intra-county migration in Dalmatia, especially on Central Dalmatian islands (Lajić and Mišetić, 2006). In the CRIBS study 9.1% of mothers and 12.5% of fathers were born abroad, mostly in Bosnia and Herzegovina (6.6% of all mothers and 8.4% of all fathers).The fact that until 2010 there was an outpatient hospital maternity ward in Supetar, Brač, explains why approximately 17% of the parents in the CRIBS study were born on Brač. Islands' economies are based on the tertiary sector (tourism and tourism-oriented services, agriculture, and construction) and mainly on seasonal modes of employment. Due to insufficient potential of island population, during the tourist season a significant number of seasonal workers comes to the islands from all over Croatia (Zupanc et al., 2001). Data from the CRIBS study showed influence of seasonal employment on choice of partner (23.8% of partners on islands were from continental Croatia and abroad), but also integration of economic migrants with the locals by choosing local partners. These results are in accordance with findings that newcomers on islands more often come from other Croatian counties (25.85%) than from the abroad (22.59%). Most of the aforementioned who come from abroad, come from another former-Yugoslav country (86.64%) (Lajić and Mišetić, 2006). Data about type of family, family structure (socio-demographic characteristics of parents: age, marital status, level of education and employment of mother, number of children) and living conditions confirm research that the traditional family way of life is still present in Dalmatia. Klempić Bogadi and Podgorelec (2009) also detected these characteristics in the southern parts of the Croatian Littoral. In countries like Croatia, where tradition has a strong influence, the percentage of married men and women is relatively high. According to the data from the 2011 Population Census, 59.2% of the population aged 20 and above were comprised of married men Nadalje, prvorotkinje sa srednjom stručnom spremom u studiji CRIBS bile su znatno mlađe od prvorotkinja s visokom stručnom spremom (podaci nisu prikazani).

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and women (Pekeč and Petrić, 2015). Current trends in EU countries show that many couples have children outside of wedlock, and in Croatia the number of children thus born grew from 9.0% in 2000 to 16.1% in 2013 (Pekeč and Petrić, 2015). Though, Croatia is among the EU member states that recorded the lowest proportions of live births outside of wedlock (18.1%) in 2015 (Eurostat, 2017).
Most of the participants in the CRIBS study were married prior to enrolment in the study (74.5% of participants from islands and 77.3% from mainland). Still, the most of the unmarried changed their marital status during pregnancy: at the moment of childbirth only 9% of women from islands and 4.3% women from the mainland remained unmarried. This information correlates marital status and traditional notions of marriage, i.e. that a child should be born in wedlock and brought up by a married couple. The analysis of extramarital births in Croatia showed the lowest portion of extramarital births in southern, eastern, and northern Croatia (Mrđen, 1997;Pavić, 2014). The surveyed populations, especially the islands' populations, belong to Mediterranean communities and Mediterranean countries are characterised by high degree of institutionalisation of marriage as a central family institution, family solidarity, and a high level of contact within and between families (Guerrero and Naldini, 2009, 44). Furthermore, in Croatia, alternative family forms (cohabitants, registered partnerships, same-sex couples) are treated differently regarding inheritance law and pension law (Naldini and Long, 2017).
According to the Eurostat's reports, in comparison with other EU countries, multi-generational households were particularly common in Croatia (13.1 %) (Eurostat, 2017). The greater number of children and household members, together with the larger number of extended families in comparison to urban and suburban regions of Split, suggests that the CRIBS participants from islands display the socio-demographic and socio-economic characteristics of inhabitants of rural settlements (villages). In addition, differences in family structure and living conditions of families in Croatia in regard to type of settlement showed that the traditional type of family structure still exists in families living in villages, where there are more children and relatives who live kućanstava i stanova iz 2011. godine u Republici Hrvatskoj 59,2 % populacije dobi 20 i više godina čine oženjeni muškarci i udane žene (Pekeč i Petrić, 2015). Trenutačni trendovi u zemljama EU-a pokazuju da mnogi parovi imaju djecu izvan braka, a u Hrvatskoj je broj djece rođene izvan braka porastao s 9,0 % u 2000. godini na 16,1 % u 2013. godini (Pekeč i Petrić, 2015). Međutim, u 2015. godini Hrvatska je među zemljama članicama EU-a s najmanjim udjelom poroda izvan braka (18,1 %) (Eurostat, 2017).
Our data showed higher prevalence of extended families on islands, and factors contributing to living in extended families were mostly economic: employment status (unemployed and temporarily employed women) and marital status (unmarried women). Indicators show the significant difference between educational levels of parents in rural and urban regions: most respondents from small communities (villages, small towns) listed secondary school as the highest educational attainment completed, while respondents from larger cities mostly had a university degree (Berc et al., 2004). These results are similar to the CRIBS project results: 60.4% of the participants from islands finished vocational (3-year) or secondary (4-year) school, while most of the participants from the mainland had a university degree (48.9%).
An additional reason for differences in the highest educational qualification level among participants from the islands and from the mainland is that after elementary and secondary school young people have to leave islands to continue their education on mainland, where all of Croatia's universities are situated (Babić and Lajić, 2002). Furthermore, average monthly income among households significantly differs between the island and the mainland populations: one in five families (21.5%) on the islands earns no more than 5,000 HRK/month (700 EUR) while two times more households on the mainland than on the islands earn >15,000 HRK/month (2,000 EUR).

Zaključak
Sociodemografski profil sudionica u studiji CRIBS pokazao je neke suvremene demografske trendove, ali i karakteristike tradicionalnog načina života. Rađanje prvog djeteta u starijoj dobi (30+ godina), kada je žena već stekla najviši obrazovni stupanj, nagoviješta pomak od tradicionalnoga prema modernom pogledu na ulogu fore, we presumed that there would be more women from the coast and the hinterland of Split-Dalmatia County in the CRIBS study than women from the islands. However, half of all the women included in the CRIBS study came from islands. One of possible explanation for having so many pregnant islanders in the study might be that the islands' populations are strongly connected and information about benefits of the study spread quickly among pregnant women and their friends/relatives/neighbours, who also decided (in some cases even requested) to participate in the study.
Apart from objectively better indicators of living conditions and quality of life on the mainland (better accessibility of goods, services, and institutional services, a variety of health and social welfare services), especially in costal urban centres, it seems that life on islands has some other benefits. A positive assessment of the island lifestyle (preserved ecological and social values) contributed to the decision to stay on the island and start a family (Babić et al., 2004;Podgorelec et al., 2015).
This study confirms the results of sociological research that Croatian society is a mixture of "traditional" and "modern" elements of social structure. Among Croatian women, traditional and even premodern values and attitudes coexist side by side with modern and postmodern ones. This is interpreted as an outcome of a non-linear modernisation and the partial acquisition of the values thereof, and is related both to the specificities of the Yugoslav "third way" version of socialism and of the "second modernity" context toward which Croatian society has moved in the period of the post-socialist transition (Tomić-Koludrović and Kunac, 2000;Tomić-Koludrović and Lončarić, 2007;Tomić-Koludrović, 2015).

Conclusion
Socio-demographic profile of participants in the CRIBS study showed some contemporary demographic trends, but also the characteristics of a traditional lifestyle. Having the first child at older age (30+ years), after having already obtained a higher educational qualification level, suggests a shift from traditional towards modern views on the role of 102 HRVATSKI GEOGRAFSKI GLASNIK 81/1, 83−105 (2019.) women in society. Modern practices encourage the development of women's careers to some extent, since education increases the possibility of finding jobs and becoming economically independent. Still, having children almost exclusively when married confirms the strong influence of tradition (e.g. Catholicism, kinship, and family ties) on values and behaviour. That is even more emphasised by the low number of births outside wedlock-in Dalmatia, the traditionally-defined family structure and values are deeply rooted in the society. These findings suggest that women in Dalmatia maintain a mixture of modern and traditional values; to fulfill their own goals and expectations they want both an education which would enable them to find a better job and a family-children born in wedlock, as marriage is not considered to be an outdated institution.
Additionally, partners were usually selected from regional and culturally similar environments: mostly within the same county and if their partner came from abroad, they usually came from the countries of former Yugoslavia (mostly from Bosnia and Herzegovina). This presence of foreign population is attributed to tourism as the main contemporary migratory factor that has stimulated immigration to the islands, primarily through the phenomena of the "seasonal workforce". Pregnancy and motherhood as major transitions in life of women and families on Central Dalmatian islands showed their specificities, challenges, and particularities. Analysis of the participants according to their place of residence (islands vs. city of Split with surroundings) showed significant differences in the number of children per family, highest completed level of education, average monthly household income, and type of family they live in. In comparison with the women from the mainland, islanders had more children and more often their highest educational qualification was secondary school, while most of the women on the mainland had a university degree. Prevalence of different family types also significantly differed between the islands and the mainland: the women on the islands lived in extended families (especially primaparae) and had a lower average household income. One of possible reasons for living in multi-generational households might be tourism, which has caused housing problems: short-žena u društvu. Suvremene prakse potiču razvoj ženske karijere do određene mjere jer obrazovanje povećava mogućnost pronalaženja radnih mjesta i ekonomsku neovisnost. Ipak, rađanje djece gotovo isključivo u braku potvrđuje snažan utjecaj tradicije (npr. katolicizam, rodbinska i obiteljska povezanost) na vrijednosti i ponašanje. To je naglašenije niskim brojem rođenja izvan braka -u Dalmaciji su tradicionalno utvrđena obiteljska struktura i vrijednosti duboko ukorijenjene u društvo. Ovaj nalaz pokazuje da žene u Dalmaciji održavaju mješavinu modernih i tradicionalnih vrijednosti. Kako bi ispunile vlastite želje i očekivanja, žele oboje: obrazovanje koje će im omogućiti da pronađu bolji posao, ali i obitelj -djecu rođenu u braku, koji se ne smatra zastarjelom institucijom.

Literature Literatura
age of housing supply; increased rents; and increasing prices of land and housing. Also, even people who own their own apartment or a house tended to move in with their parents in order to rent their own apartment and earn some money (especially during the busy times in the tourist season). Apart from socio-economic factors important for living in extended families, this type of family can be seen as a traditional characteristic of Croatian culture, where cohabitation between generations and family duties (care for children and elderly) are highly valued.
The CRIBS is the first longitudinal cohort study not only in Croatia, but also in Southeast Europe. The information regarding socio-economic and demographic characteristics of pregnant women in Split and its surroundings, and especially on the islands of Brač and Hvar, are scarce, so the CRIBS data should help in understanding the specificities of these populations. A limitation of this study is that the recruitment of pregnant women ended in October, 2018, so for a complete picture of life in pregnancy and young motherhood in Dalmatia all the CRIBS mothers need to have given birth by June, 2019. This project was financed by the Croatian Science Foundation under grant number HRZZ UIP-2014-09-6598 (P.I. Saša Missoni). We thank all our participants for their commitment and willingness to join the study.