GREEK DURATIVE VERBS WITH THE NASAL INFIX AND SUFFIX

The Indo-European nasal infix presents have so far not been explained from the semantic point of view. The author of this paper argues that the infix *-n(e)- originally expressed the feature of durativity. Due to the diachronic externalization of inflection, this nasal morpheme later evolved into a suffix added to the verbal root. Numerous durative verbs with the nasal marker -an-are attested as early as the 2 nd millennium BCE in the Anatolian languages; cf. Hittite iy-ann-a/i- ‘to march, go a long distance’, Palaic iyannnai ‘he marches (a long distance)’ vs. Hitt. i- ‘to go’, Luw. i- , Hier.Luw. i- , Lat. eō , īre , Lith. eı˜ti , OChSl. iti ‘id.’ (< PIE. *h 1 ei- ‘to go’). The durative verbs in question, as well as the related nouns with the durative suffix *-ano- , also appear in other Indo-European languages, cf. Toch. B yanem. ‘they walk, go (for a long time)’. Numerous Greek present forms (e.g., , πυνθάνομαι and so on) document the same nasal morpheme not only infixed into the verbal root, but also in the form of the suffix -αν- . This is to be explained as the effect of the diachronic externalization of the durative (nasal) morpheme. Greek verbal forms with the nasal infix and the nasal suffix should be treated as intermediate forms or hybrids. Newer forms (indicating the durativity of the action) in Greek contain only a nasal suffix (e.g. αὐξάνω , ἱζάνω , ἰσχάνω , κευθάνω , ληθάνω, οἰδάνω , ῥοφάνω ).


Introduction
There are two competing forms of the verbal roots in the Indo-European languages. One is in the full grade, e.g. Gk. λείπω < IE. *leik u̯ -ō < PIE. *leik u̯ -eh 3 (i) 'I leave'. The other has the root in the zero grade (i.e. PIE. *lik u̯ -) combined with the nasal infix *-n(e)-, e.g. Ved. rin . ákti, Av. irinaxti 's/he leaves' < PIE. *li-né-k u̯ -ti 3 rd pers. sg. pres. ind.; Lat. linquunt 'they leave' < PIE. *li-n-k u̯ -onti 3 rd pers. pl. pres. ind., cf. the Greek verb λιμπάνουσι 'id.' with the additional nasal suffix (Danka & Witczak 1990: 317). We note that the semantic difference between the verbal roots with and without the nasal infix has not been hitherto explained. 1 In his excellent survey of the relevant scholarship Manuel García Teijeiro (1970: 146) states that the exact original function ("significación fundamental") of the n-infix at the Indo-European level is unclear and irrecoverable, though the formal identity of the attested n-infixed verbal forms appears to be obvious. And more recent research typically arrives at much the same position (cf. Milizia 2003;Bertocci 2014: 482-483;Scheungraber 2014: 18-27). The present author seeks to explicate the matter by showing the durative character of Indo-European verbs containing the nasal morpheme (infix or suffix or both).

Verbs with the nasal suffix in the other Indo-European languages
The same durative suffix is found in other Indo-European languages, such as Tocharian; e.g. Toch. B yanem . 'they walk, go (for a long time)' is the exact cognate of Hitt. iyannai 's/he marches, walks a long distance' and Pal. i-ya-an-na-a-i (3 rd sg. pres. act.) 's/he marches (a long distance)' (Rikov 1997: 14-17;Jasanoff 2003: 122).

Hybrid forms of durative verbs in Ancient Greek
Greek verba durativa can be formed both from a verbal root with an infix (type A) and from a root without one (type B). The first type (A) is firmly attested in Ancient Greek, e.g.: 4.1. Gk Ancient Greek has a considerable number of durative verbs that have both a nasal infix and a nasal suffix (Brugmann & Thumb 1913: 335-337;Schwyzer 1939: 699-700;Rix 1976: 211;Willi 2018: 18), whereas Latin and other cognate languages demonstrate only verbs with the nasal infix (see 4.2; 4.3; 4.7; 4.9; 4.12). This phenomenon is not attested in any other Indo-European language and requires a separate explanation (cf. sect. 6).
Also type B of the durative verbs is securely attested in Ancient Greek, but it is less frequent and less productive than type A (Rix 1976: 211 (Chantraine 1958: 315); 4.20. Gk. ῥοφάνω 'lap, slurp' vs. ῥοφέω. It can thus be readily concluded that the Ancient Greek language replaced the n-infixed verbal forms of Indo-European origin (cf. Lat. clangō, fingō, linquō and so on) by a number of productive items containing both the nasal infix and suffix (type A; e.g. Gk. κλαγγάνω, θιγγάνω, λιμπάνω etc.). The infix is completely lost in type B (see 4.13-20), which represents a late innovation (cf. 4.13; 4.17; 4.18), also attested in Anatolian, Armenian and Tocharian.

The externalization of the nasal infix in Greek
At this point I would like to propose a hypothesis that offers an explanation of infixation with the morpheme *-n-and, at the same time, the origin of the Indo-European durative verbs having a nasal suffix. 9 In my opinion, the Greek verb λείπω has the general meaning 'I leave, forsake' (< PIE. *leik u̯ -) and does not carry any further semantic value. The Latin form linquō is completely different in this respect: Its root is in the zero grade and it exhibits the nasal infix *-n(e)-, which I would argue introduces the feature of durativity. In other words, the infixed verbal root *li-n(é)-k u̯ -differed from the basic root *leik u̯ -precisely in having the morpheme *-n-, which marked the duration of the action. Thus, originally the Proto-Indo-European verbal form *li-n-k u̯ -eh 3 (i) had a typically durative meaning: 'to leave, forsake (for a long time, forever)'. By analogy, I treat not only Lat. pingō 'I paint [for a long time]' (hence perf. pīnxī 'I have painted [for a long time]') as a durative verb, but also the Sanskrit form pin . kte 'paints [for a long time]' and Toch. B pin . käm . 'paints, writes [for a long time]' (< PIE. *pi-n-k-< *peik ' -'to write, paint'). The Latin example discussed above shows clearly that the infixation was possible not only in the present stem, but also in the preterite. Other verbs usually lose the nasal infix in the past tense.
As was stressed earlier in the paper, infixation had become a rare phenomenon in the historical Indo-European languages. Furthermore, it became completely unproductive in stark contrast to prefixation or suffixation. This leads us to the assumption that all the verbal roots with the nasal infix are archaic and stem from Proto-Indo-European. Their durative meaning might well have been lost in the course of the long development of the individual Indo-European languages. The externalization of inflection was responsible for the relocation of the nasal morpheme which then became a suffix.
It is likely that the externalization of the nasal morpheme *-n-had two additional stages. 10 Three models of the creation of durative verbs are attested in the Indo-European languages:  ', Goth. leiƕan 'to lend', Lith. lìeku 'I leave, put' Lat. linquō, Ved. rin . ákti (pl. riñcánti), Av. irinaxti Gk. λιμπάνω Arm. lk'anem Source: Own work. 10 The problem of externalization of inflection in the Indo-European languages is presented in detail by Witczak (2017: 93-111). In the older model of inflection (type 1) the verbal root in the zero grade with the nasal infix is the variant of the root in the present tense (PIE. *leik u̯ -vs. PIE. *li-né-k u̯ -, *li-n-k u̯ -). The original character of nasal infixation has not been precisely explained to date. In the newer model (type 3) the nasal morpheme appears as a suffix to the verbal root (in the reduced grade) and the resultant verbal forms have the meaning of an action with a long-time span: 'to leave for a long time, forsake forever'. In other words, the nasal morpheme (with the durative meaning) was relocated from the inside of the root to the outside, precisely to the position at the end of the root.
What seems to be an uncontestable proof of the correctness of the analysis given above is the transitional hybrid model (type 2), in which the nasal morpheme *-n-with durative meaning appears twice, as an infix within the verbal root and as a suffix after the root. In Greek we can find numerous durative verbs with the doubled *-n-, e.g. Gk. λαμβάνω, λιμπάνω, μανθάνω, πυνθάνομαι, τυγχάνω, which evidently represent innovative formations (Milizia 2003: 182). These Hellenic forms can surely be called "hybrids" 11 .
All the provided derivational variants are well attested in the Indo-European languages and there is no doubt that type (1) represents the older model, type (2) the transitonal (hybrid) model, and type (3) the newer model. In the older model the nasal affix *-n-with a durative meaning is infixed into the verbal root and is always mid-word. In the newer model, the nasal morpheme is added as a suffix to the verbal root, and thus it is placed externally in relation to the root. The change from type (1) to type (3) should be called the externalization of the durative morpheme. This process clearly proves that the verbal roots without the nasal infix are to be considered as basic and unmarked, while the forms with the infix are marked, durative variants.

Conclusions
The analysis conducted in the present paper leads to the following conclusions: 7.1. In the Indo-European languages we can observe the process of externalization of the nasal morpheme, which was initially an infix inserted into the verbal root, and eventually became a suffix, added to the root. 7.2. Indo-European verbs with the nasal suffix have a durative meaning, which on the basis of the proposed process of the externalization of the nasal morpheme allows us to posit the same meaning for the archaic verbs with the nasal infix.
7.3. The externalization of the nasal infix was a productive process in the Indo-European languages. It is attested not only in Ancient Greek, but also in Armenian, Anatolian, Tocharian, Italic and many other languages of the Indo-European family.

7.4.
Greek verbs of the type θιγγάνω, λιμπάνω, τυγχάνω represent the transitional (hybrid) stage of the development. There is no doubt that these forms denote actions with a long-time span.