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Definite Descriptions and Quantifier Scope: Some Mates Cases Reconsidered

Michael Glanzberg

Puni tekst: engleski, pdf (640 KB) str. 133-158 preuzimanja: 433* citiraj
APA 6th Edition
Glanzberg, M. (2007). Definite Descriptions and Quantifier Scope: Some Mates Cases Reconsidered. European Journal of Analytic Philosophy, 3 (2), 133-158. Preuzeto s https://hrcak.srce.hr/93215
MLA 8th Edition
Glanzberg, Michael. "Definite Descriptions and Quantifier Scope: Some Mates Cases Reconsidered." European Journal of Analytic Philosophy, vol. 3, br. 2, 2007, str. 133-158. https://hrcak.srce.hr/93215. Citirano 23.09.2021.
Chicago 17th Edition
Glanzberg, Michael. "Definite Descriptions and Quantifier Scope: Some Mates Cases Reconsidered." European Journal of Analytic Philosophy 3, br. 2 (2007): 133-158. https://hrcak.srce.hr/93215
Harvard
Glanzberg, M. (2007). 'Definite Descriptions and Quantifier Scope: Some Mates Cases Reconsidered', European Journal of Analytic Philosophy, 3(2), str. 133-158. Preuzeto s: https://hrcak.srce.hr/93215 (Datum pristupa: 23.09.2021.)
Vancouver
Glanzberg M. Definite Descriptions and Quantifier Scope: Some Mates Cases Reconsidered. European Journal of Analytic Philosophy [Internet]. 2007 [pristupljeno 23.09.2021.];3(2):133-158. Dostupno na: https://hrcak.srce.hr/93215
IEEE
M. Glanzberg, "Definite Descriptions and Quantifier Scope: Some Mates Cases Reconsidered", European Journal of Analytic Philosophy, vol.3, br. 2, str. 133-158, 2007. [Online]. Dostupno na: https://hrcak.srce.hr/93215. [Citirano: 23.09.2021.]

Sažetak
This paper reexamines some examples, discussed by Mates and others, of sentences containing both definite descriptions and quantifiers.
It has frequently been claimed that these sentences provide evidence for the view that definite descriptions themselves are quantifiers. The main goal of this paper is to argue this is not so. Though the examples are compatible with quantificational approaches to definite descriptions,
they are also compatible with views that treat definite descriptions as basically scopeless. They thus provide no reason to see definite descriptions as quantifiers. Even so, this paper shows that the examples do raise a surprising range of complex issues about how quantifier
scope works, and where it occurs. Thus, a clear picture of how these examples work will help us to understand better where definite descriptions fit into the larger picture of quantifiers and related
phenomena.

Ključne riječi
definite description; quantifier; scope; semantics; syntax

Hrčak ID: 93215

URI
https://hrcak.srce.hr/93215

Posjeta: 613 *