Original scientific paper
https://doi.org/10.17234/RadoviZHP.54.24
Legionnaires from the Danube Provinces in Dalmatia (Summary)
Ivan Matijević
Abstract
The wars against the Marcomanni waged during the reign of Marcus Aurelius put a great strain on the Roman army. A period of constant unrest began, marked by the attacks of enemy nations on the Empire’s northern and eastern borders, which often occurred parallel to struggles for the imperial throne, especially in the time between the death of Severus Alexander and Diocletian’s accession to power. For any emperor, achieving and maintaining absolute authority was unthin¬kable without the support of the army, which is brilliantly reflected in the words of Septimius Severus to his sons Caracalla and Geta on his deathbed in 211: “Be harmonious, enrich the soldiers, scorn all others.”
The Empire engaged more than half of its soldiers in the war against the Mar¬comanni, new units were founded, vexillations were increasingly used to make the army more mobile and easier to transfer to crisis hotspots. In the deep hinterland of the Danube Limes, the military presence was increased at key communication points and other strategically vital places. It was the same in Dalmatia. The vexilla¬tions of the newly established Legio II Italica and Legio III Italica were deployed to Salona in 169-170 in order to construct parts of the fortification ring around the city’s eastern and most likely western extensions. They conducted the operation under the command of centurion frumentarius Publius Aelius Amyntianus and in coordination with two newly recruited Dalmatian cohorts. The vexillations apparently soon left this area because they were needed elsewhere, and there is no evidence of the presence of their active soldiers. The military complement in Dalmatia then consisted of five auxiliary cohorts (VIII voluntoriorum c. R., III Alpinorum, I Belgarum, I milliaria Delmatarum, II milliaria Delmatarum) with a total strength of between three and a half and four thousand soldiers, mostly infantry. They were obviously not enough to perform all of the tasks arising from the new military and security circumstances, so soldiers from certain legions on the Danube were redeployed to Dalmatia. Thus, the centurion Flavius Victor of Legio I Adiutrix supervised Cohors I Belgarum in 173 during its restoration of the temple of Liber and Libera in Bigeste. A tombstone was discovered here, on which a member of this legion was commemorated by a legionnaire from Legio II Adiutrix, most likely during the latter half of the 2nd century. Based on this, it is assumed that at that time there was a vexillation consisting of members of these two legions whose permanent camps were in Pannonian Brigetio and Aquincum. Victor may have also belonged to the vexillation, and perhaps even commanded it. If one really wanted to strengthen the military presence in this part of the province, the camp in Bigeste was an excellent choice. It is located near the Narona colony and at the eastern end of the chain of military fortifications that stretched all the way to Burnum. From Bigeste the road led inland toward the Sarajevo Plain. The camp was then occupied by members of auxiliary units, which made it militarily active and prepared to receive other soldiers.
After the death of Commodus in 192, the Empire was weakened by internal struggles that ended with the ascension of Septimius Severus to the throne. During his rise and reckoning with his opponents, he was greatly assisted by the legions stationed on the Danube Limes. Among them was Legio I Italica, which was commanded in the previous period by his brother Septimius Geta, later the governor of Moesia Inferior, where this legion was posed, and then by Marius Maximus, one of the emperor’s closest collaborators and influential in the highest state circles for an extended time. Thanks to these two, the legion had to be closely linked to the new imperial dynasty, because they undoubtedly influenced the appointment of trusted people to the highest positions in the legion. It is therefore not surprising that the new dynasty chose this legion’s vexillation in order to ensure greater control over the provincial metropolis. The strategic importance of Salona stemmed from the fact that it had one of the most important ports in the Mediterranean, it was the hub of a network of roads that connected the Adriatic eastern seaboard, and through it Italy, to the Pannonian provinces that were crucial to the Empire’s defence. The support of the numerous legions posted in the latter provinces was crucial to any emperor or anyone who inten¬ded to become one. It is very significant that all Dalmatian epigraphic sources testifying to members of Legio I Italica were discovered exclusively in Salona and that the presence of five of its active soldiers dates back to the Severan dynasty. Indeed, it would appear that the earliest stele was erected by the soldier Aurelius Sabasianus to his deceased colleague Aurelius Mucatra, most likely during the early Severan period. Both have Thracian names, which indicates that they came from the regions where the legion regularly recruited. Mutual commemoration indicates that there was no one else to bury Mucatra in Salona, which would mean that they were both outsiders in this new milieu. In the period after 224, a stele was erected to a fellow soldier by Aurelius Marcianus. The soldier Aurelius Pontianus, who died sometime between 220 and 230, was commemorated by his son. The complete absence of inscriptions of active soldiers from Legio I Italica in other parts of the province clearly indicates that the vexillation was focused exclusively on Salona, perhaps even after the Severan era. These legionnaires, at least at the beginning of their stay in the city, were probably seen as a sort of closed group or saw themselves as such, which could lead to the local population being reserved toward them, especially since they were foreigners brought from a distant province, who were seen as a representation of a new imperial dynasty and an unpredictable period for the state. Judging by the available sources, it can be said that this is the first “foreign” unit that came to the city after more than three decades, i.e., after the vexillation of Legio II and III Italica, and its stay did not pass without impacting the city’s everyday life. However, it did not operate independently in Salona, because after the year 212, the soldier Marcus Aurelius Attenio from the Legio I Adiutrix resided here, while the presence of numerous members of local auxiliary units and sailors from Classis Ravennis and Classis Miseni has been confirmed. Although the inscriptions of other legionaries from the Danube are insufficient for more precise dating within the framework of the late Principate, they can certainly serve as additional evidence of the importance of Salona in this period. The stele of the soldier Avitius Augurinus was placed by his fellow legionnaire Ulpius Callia from Legio XIIII Gemina. It is assumed that they served in the legionary vexillation to which the Atrectius Caesianus may have belonged. Elsewhere in Dalmatia, there is no confirmation of the stay of their colleagues, which also indicates that this vexillation was exclusively tied to Salona. It is difficult to determine the character of the presence of centurion Aurelius Vitalus from the Legio V Macedonica during the 3rd century, especially since he was the only active soldier of this unit in the province. Perhaps he really had something to do with the vexillation movements of his legion from Moesia Inferior to Pannonia Superior during the reign of Emperor Gallienus; perhaps he was carrying out some special task or commanded a vexillation that could have been composed of soldiers from other legions.
In addition to Salona and Bigeste, the presence of legionnaires was also recorded near certain beneficiarius stations in the interior. Thus, in Josipdol, a very important station on the Senia-Siscia road, two centurions dedicated altars to Jupiter and the genius loci. These were Aurelius Maximus of Legio II Adiutrix during the reign of Emperor Diocletian and Aurelius Salvianus of Legio XIII Gemina during the late Principate. They probably made the dedications during the performance of tasks related to the station, which could imply their higher rank vis-à-vis the local beneficiarii, but also the presence of a high number of other troops. Aelius Felicianus from Legio XIII Gemina and Aurelius Rufus from Legio II Adiutrix were confirmed in the vicinity of Golubić near Bihać, probably Roman Raetinium, where a beneficiarius station probably functioned. The increased military presence next to Josipdol, Golubić and Pljevlje (municipium S(-)) undoubtedly speaks to the importance of these locales and the need to reinforce them in terms of military security. Licinius Victorinus, a colleague of Rufus, erected a tombstone for his parents in the area of today’s Zenica at the end of the 3rd or beginning of the 4th century. The possibility that a vexillation of Legio II Adiutrix was active in the provincial interior in the final stage of the Principate cannot be excluded. Legio XI, stationed in Moesia Inferior, also maintained a connection with Dalmatia. Its only active soldier was the centurion Quintus Pisentius Severinus, who oversaw the restoration of the temple of Liber in Bigeste at the end of the 2nd or beginning of the 3rd century, the same one whose restoration in 173 was led by the centurion of Legio I Adiutrix. Its connection to the possible stay of the legionary vexillation in Bigeste cannot be discounted.
A small number of legionary veterans from the Danube provinces has been confirmed in Dalmatia. Two are from Legio XIIII Gemina. Marcus Uttedius Sallubianus Caius Petilius Amandus may have spent part of his career on the Danube Limes. Although he was a native of Iguvium in Italy, he managed to break into the highest administrative and priestly circles in Salona during the Flavian-Trajanic era, probably thanks to his marriage to the daughter of a pro¬minent Salonitan. Valerius Valerianus was buried next to Senia, whose presence there can be explained by his service in Senia or on the section of the road that led from the city to the interior, or he did not serve there at all, but returned to his hometown after becoming a veteran. The interpretation of other veteran ins¬criptions in Dalmatia can be approached in the same way: Arrius Rufinus from Legio I Adiutrix was buried in on the Livno Plain (Livanjsko polje) during the latter half of the 2nd century, Aurelius Verus from Legio XI Claudia was buried in Pituntium, and his colleague Julius Lucilius was buried in Salona, as were Domi¬tius Valens and Aurelius Mi[---] from Legio V Macedonica. What are the reasons for the existence of the tombstone of Aurelius Maternus in Salona? He was from Noricum, belonged to Legio II Italica, whose activity in Dalmatia is confirmed only by a building inscription from 169-170. Maybe he really lived in Salona, maybe he served there, or maybe he died in the area of the Raetia-Noricum Limes, so his remains were transferred to Salona because his wife might have been from Salona. Despite these assumptions, it is clear that the majority of veteran inscrip-tions originated in Salona, which indicates that the Dalmatian metropolis in the late Principate period was attractive to veterans of the Danube legions as a place to start their civilian lives. The small number of their inscriptions is a reflection of the diminished presence of legionnaires in Dalmatia.
Inscriptions from the period of the late Principate usually do not indicate the domicile in the name forms, which is why it is possible to determine the origin of the soldiers only approximately, and only according to the characteristics of gentilicia and cognomina and their numerical representation in certain parts of the Empire. Most of the soldiers bear names that were widespread everywhere, which is why it is impossible to say whence Valerius Valerianus, Flavius Victor, Arrius Rufinus, Attius Domitius, Domitius Valens, Felicianus and the Aurelians Maximus, Ferox, Marcianus, Marcianus, Januarius and Vitalis came. A more spe¬cific determination of origin is possible for Pisentius Severinus, Julius Lucilius, Licinius Victorinus, and the Aurelians Attenio, Pontianus, Flavus and Herennius. Although one would be far from mistaken by accepting the presumption that most of the soldiers came from the province in which the legion was stationed, as well as neighbouring territories, one must always bear in mind where and when the legion was present and where its vexillations were active. During military operations on distant battlefields, the legions filled their ranks as best they could and by necessity, which often entailed the recruitment of peregrines who, at the moment of conscription into a legion, received citizenship. The only legion ve¬terans from the Danube provinces who highlighted their origins were Aurelius Maternus from Noricum (Legio II Italica) and Marcus Uttedius Sallubianus from Italic Iguvium (Legio XIIII Gemina). Another category of soldiers whose origin is quite easy to determine are those with names that did not exist in Dalmatia at all and which were specific to the areas in which the legion mainly carried out recruitment. Ulpius Callias, Avitius Augurinus and Atrectius Caesianus (Legio XIIII Gemina) were of foreign origin, probably from Pannonia, Noricum, Germa¬nia or Belgica. The same was true of Aurelius Mucatra and Aurelius Sabasianus (Legio I Italica), whose Thracian cognomina also indicate a foreign origin, that is, the area of Moesia Inferior where the legion was stationed. However, since this vexillation also included soldiers who did not bear cognomina typical of Moesia Inferior and the surrounding areas, but also those that were verified to a lesser or equal extent in Dalmatia and in the west (Marcianus, Martialis, Januarius), it may be correctly assumed that some of them were of local origin or from some other western province. The vexillations operated as independent units, which meant that they conducted recruitment at their place of operation. During the late Prin¬cipate, Dalmatia provided recruits for the units of the Roman army and also for the legions stationed on the Danube Limes. This is confirmed by the inscription on the cenotaph of the soldier Pinnes (Legio II Adiutrix), which was placed for him by his parents in the area of today’s Konjic. Their local origin is confirmed by their typical Illyrian names. Although the names of Aurelius Verus, Granius Proclinus and Septimius Gratianus do not reveal much about their origin, the fe¬atures of the inscriptions and their find sites almost certainly indicate their origin from Rider, Aequum and Andetrium.
In Dalmatia, legionnaires from the legions in Pannonia Superior and Inferior and Moesia Inferior were most represented. The fewest by far were from Dacia, while those from Legio VII Claudia and Legio IIII Flavia Felix in Moesia Superior were almost completely absent. It may be concluded that not all legions from Pannonia helped Dalmatia in the same way. Namely, Pannonia Superior provided members for ordinary military duties (three soldiers) and services in the governor’s office (a commentariensis, a speculator and eight beneficiarii) from Legio XIIII Gemi¬na, while Legio X Gemina participated exclusively in the work of the provincial administration (eight beneficiarii). Pannonia Inferior was represented by ordinary soldiers (a centurion, two soldiers) and staff members in the governor’s office (a speculator and ten beneficiarii) from Legio I Adiutrix, and ordinary soldiers (a centurion, three soldiers) from Legio II Adiutrix. Legio XIIII Gemina and I Adiutrix bore a greater burden in terms of providing manpower, which is why neighbouring legions in their home provinces, X Gemina and II Adiutrix, only had to provide beneficiarii or ordinary soldiers. It may be concluded that both Pannonian provinces coordinated their activities when assigning their soldiers to Dalmatia, making sure that they responded uniformly to its need for soldiers and officers, that is, that they did not upset the balance of their own legion contingents and thus endanger their own security. Virtually the same type of connection was achieved with the legions in Dacia and Moesia Superior. From Dacia, Legio V Macedonica sent ordinary soldiers (a centurion) and governor’s staff officers (two beneficiarii), while Legio XIII Gemina was represented exclusively by ordinary soldiers (a centurion and a soldier). From neighbouring Moesia Inferior, Legio XI Claudia was represented by ordinary soldiers (a centurion) and members of governor’s office (a speculator, eight beneficiarii), Legio I Italica had a vexillation in Salona (eight soldiers), as well as members of the governor’s office (six benefi¬ciarii). Apparently, Dacia provided soldiers for both types of service in Dalmatia to a much lesser extent, and when it did so, care was taken, as in the Pannonian provinces, that the legions were evenly loaded, that is, one legion provided ordinary soldiers, and the other both. This can only be assumed due to the similarity with Pannonia, although one should exercise caution, because the inscriptions of the Dacian legions in Dalmatia are few, which could be a consequence of their reduced engagement, possibly explained by the considerable distance between Dacia and Dalmatia. Distance may be an obvious reason for the almost complete absence of soldiers from the Rhine provinces in Dalmatia. Legio IIII Flavia and Legio VII Claudia from Moesia Superior are a peculiar phenomenon. The only active soldier from this province was the exactus Septimius Gratianus from Legio VII Claudia during the time of the Severan dynasty. These two legions were bound by their duties to the home province, Pannonia Superior and certain eastern provinces, and it is obvious that during the late Principate their members were not assigned to serve in Dalmatia at all. Of course, the possibility that they were represented here cannot be ruled out, which could be confirmed by the example of Gratianus, which, on the other hand, may be interpreted as an exception. Namely, perhaps thanks to his family’s influence, which largely stemmed from his father’s status as an imperial freedman, he managed to achieve the post of exactus and was then transferred to serve in the governor’s office in Salona, near his native Andetrium. The beneficiarius Granius Proclinus developed his career in a similar way thanks to his high social status.
The higher number of soldiers from Pannonia Superior and Inferior serving in Dalmatia is proof that these three provinces were more closely connected in the military and administrative sense and thus formed a sort of whole, which was definitely a consequence from their geographical links. Namely, during the late Principate there had to be continuous, close and clearly defined cooperation between the Dalmatian and Pannonian governors which obviously meant that the personnel of individual legions were sent to Dalmatia for precisely defined tasks. Dalmatia was in the deep hinterland of the Pannonian limes, there were ports on its coast whence the connection to the limes was established via roads into the interior and reinforcements were deployed to the legions in the north. The space between the Adriatic coast and the northern provincial border was guarded by smaller auxiliary military contingents and beneficiarius stations as an intelligence link between local communities and the governor’s office in Salona. It may be said that the defence of the Pannonian Limes partly depended on the security situation in and effective control over neighbouring Dalmatia. Moreover, although the beneficiarii served in the Dalmatian office, in reality they belonged to the offices of their home provinces, so that after returning some were useful to the governors because of their rather extensive familiarity with the situation in Dalmatia. Everything points to the conclusion that the method of deploying soldiers from the Danube Limes to Dalmatia did not change, which does not mean that exceptions were not made, especially under extraordinary circumstances, which were not uncommon at the end of the 2nd and beginning of the 3rd century, i.e., in the decades following the Severan dynasty in 235. Apparently Dalmatia relied to the greatest extent on legionnaires from the Danube Limes, although active soldiers and veterans from certain legions stationed on the Rhine (VIII Augusta, I Minervia, XXX Ulpia Victrix) have been confirmed in it, but in far lower numbers.
The legionnaires performed their tasks in Dalmatia using the experiences and knowledge acquired in their home units on the Danube border, at the same time bringing habits and customs typical of the areas from which they came. Most of the legionnaires were not of Mediterranean origin, so Dalmatia, especially its coastal part, was an entirely new environment for them. For some, the presence of family made the service here easier. Some fit in brilliantly in the new environment, such as the veteran Uttedius Sallubianus, because after marrying a member of the Salonitan aristocracy, he gained access to the highest city magistracies. For some, their only “family” was the army, as can be seen in the examples of mutual commemoration of soldiers from the vexillation of Legio I Italica and Legio XIIII Gemina. Three monuments from Salona lucidly show how the legionnaires could influence the places in which they served. Aurelius Attenio dedicated an altar to Silvanus Silvestris, then particularly popular in Pannonia and completely unknown in Salona. The theophoric name Aurelius Sabasianus and worship of the Thracian god Sabazios in the camp of his legion in Moesia Inferior point to the existence of a legionnaire’s role in the spread of this cult. The portrait stele with a full-length depiction of Aurelius Pontianus is proof that the soldiers promoted new trends in sepulchral art. Contact between active soldiers and the communities in which they served was firmly conditioned by their performance of assigned tasks. Such a relationship was fundamentally changed the moment they became veterans and began their civilian lives.
Keywords
legionnaire, vexillatio, Roman Danube, Dalmatia
Hrčak ID:
296889
URI
Publication date:
15.12.2022.
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