Original scientific paper
https://doi.org/10.31724/rihjj.46.1.10
Phonological Description of the Local Dialect of Tuškani
Matija Mužek
Abstract
The local dialect of Tuškani belongs to the Prigorski dialect of the Kajkavian dialect group. It is a representative of the group of local dialects spoken along the Kupa river, which forms a link between the unusual ikavian-ekavian local dialects similar to that of Ozalj and the more usual ekavian local dialects similar to that of Prodindol. The local dialect of Tuškani differs from that of Ozalj mainly in the reflex of the Common Slavic vowel jat: ekavian in Tuškani, ikavian-ekavian in Ozalj. In other aspects these two local dialects are so similar that they undoubtedly share a common origin: as the local dialect of Tuškani is certainly a true Kajkavian dialect, although a peripheral one and with some transitional features, the local dialect of Ozalj must also be an originally Kajkavian dialect rather than being a kajkavized Čakavian local dialect. The majority of features the two local dialects share are typically Kajkavian. The vowel system of the Tuškani local dialect is analyzed in detail. It is shown that it developed in a typically Kajkavian fashion (two e-like vowels, vowel rectangle rather than a vowel triangle, transformation of quantity contrasts into quality contrasts, fronting of o and u, vowel reduction) from a typical Kajkavian starting point. The only exception to this statement is the absence of the typical Kajkavian merger of schwa and jat: schwa has instead relatively recently and incompletely merged with a. The consonant system of the Tuškani local dialect is examined in comparatively less detail. Here the local dialect of Tuškani combines typical Kajkavian characteristics (Common Slavic *dj > j, word-final devoicing, depalatalization of l, palatalization of l) with features untypical of Kajkavian in general, but still relatively widespread in the Prigorski dialect (preservation of the contrast between č and ć, consistent second iotation, presence of ś and ź, v which is sometimes a sonorant). The prosody of the Tuškani local dialect is again examined in detail as it is extremely interesting from both the diachronic and the synchronic viewpoints. It is shown that the local dialect of Tuškani is a true Kajkavian dialect according to the prosodic criteria and that the same is true of some, but not necessarily of all, varieties of the local dialect of Ozalj. Both local dialects consistently show the neocircumflex and the neoacute lengthenings in most categories where it is present in the Kajkavian dialect group, and the exceptions can in most cases be explained as a result of a later loss of these lengthenings rather than their absence from the very beginning. It is also shown that the long rising accent of Tuškani and Ozalj is not as similar to the Štokavian one as Stjepko Težak claimed. Rather than normally being pronounced as a one-peak rising accent, it is normally pronounced as a two-peak falling-rising accent. Moreover, oxytonesis is facultatively preserved in Tuškani, leading to a lengthy discussion on how the long rising accent ought to be analysed phonologically. It is concluded that despite oxytonesis still being facultatively preserved, the long rising accent is best analyzed as a separate toneme. Thus the local dialect of Tuškani is found to be the only Croatian dialect discovered so far in which the contrast between the falling and the rising accent is primarily realized as a contrast between a one-peak and a two-peak accent.
Keywords
phonology; Kajkavian dialect group; Prigorje dialect; Tuškani; Ozalj; accent
Hrčak ID:
243240
URI
Publication date:
2.9.2020.
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