Skoči na glavni sadržaj

Izvorni znanstveni članak

Unmerging analytic comparatives

Karen De Clercq ; FWO-Ghent University
Guido Vanden Wyngaerd ; KU Leuven


Puni tekst: engleski pdf 539 Kb

str. 341-363

preuzimanja: 255

citiraj


Sažetak

We look at the internal structure of the English analytic comparative marker more, arguing that it spells out nearly all the features of a gradable adjective. When this marker is merged with an adjective in the positive degree, it creates a situation of feature recursion or overlap, where more duplicates certain features that are also present in the adjective that it modifies. We argue that such overlap must be disallowed as a matter of principle. We present an empirical argument in favour of such a restriction, which is based on the generalization that comparative markers which occur to the left of the adjectival root are incompatible with suppletion. This generalization can be shown to follow from a restriction against overlapping derivations. In order to achieve such nonoverlapping derivations, an Unmerge operation may remove previously created structure.

Ključne riječi

nanosyntax, comparative, suppletion, structure removal

Hrčak ID:

213797

URI

https://hrcak.srce.hr/213797

Podaci na drugim jezicima: hrvatski

Posjeta: 535 *