Jezikoslovlje, Vol. 19. No. 3., 2018.
Izvorni znanstveni članak
Unmerging analytic comparatives
Karen De Clercq
; FWO-Ghent University
Guido Vanden Wyngaerd
; KU Leuven
Sažetak
We look at the internal structure of the English analytic comparative marker more, arguing that it spells out nearly all the features of a gradable adjective. When this marker is merged with an adjective in the positive degree, it creates a situation of feature recursion or overlap, where more duplicates certain features that are also present in the adjective that it modifies. We argue that such overlap must be disallowed as a matter of principle. We present an empirical argument in favour of such a restriction, which is based on the generalization that comparative markers which occur to the left of the adjectival root are incompatible with suppletion. This generalization can be shown to follow from a restriction against overlapping derivations. In order to achieve such nonoverlapping derivations, an Unmerge operation may remove previously created structure.
Ključne riječi
nanosyntax; comparative; suppletion; structure removal
Hrčak ID:
213797
URI
Datum izdavanja:
22.12.2018.
Posjeta: 1.091 *