Izvorni znanstveni članak
https://doi.org/10.11567/met.40.2.8
Migration Drivers and Integration Experiences of Modern Indian Migrants in Zagreb and Zagreb County
Marijeta Rajković Iveta
orcid.org/0000-0002-4988-1828
; Odsjek za etnologiju i kulturnu antropologiju, Filozofski fakultet Sveučilišta u Zagrebu, Zagreb
*
Ana Magdalenić Vincek
; Zagreb
* Dopisni autor.
Sažetak
Due to unfavourable demographic trends and increased emigration of Croatian citizens, resulting in a reduced active workforce, the Republic of Croatia has witnessed a growing number of immigrants in recent years, including a significant influx from India. This study aims to examine the drivers and motivations behind these migration trends and analyse the integration process of Indians into Croatian society. Migration drivers are explored in relation to the push-and-pull factor theory (Lee, 1969), which identifies economic, political, environmental (climatic), social, and cultural reasons as key drivers of migration (Mesić, 2014: 161). Integration is a prolonged and complex process through which immigrants become part of the host society (cf. Heckmann, 2006; Penninx, 2007; Penninx and Garcés-Mascareñas, 2016). It is also a two-way, interactive process between migrants and the host community. In designing interview questionnaires, the study adhered to three dimensions of integration: legal-political, socio-economic, and cultural-religious, and three levels of integration: individual, organisational, and institutional (Penninx and Garcés-Mascareñas, 2016: 14–17, 18). The research utilised qualitative ethnological and cultural anthropological methods (Zapata-Barrero and Yalaz, 2018). Nine semi-structured interviews were conducted with four women and five men, aged 21 to 45, who had been living and working in Zagreb or Zagreb County for periods ranging from one to six years. Among the participants, five hold bachelor’s or master’s degrees and work as engineers in the automotive industry, possessing EU Blue Cards; one has a polytechnic degree and works in a delivery company, while three have completed secondary education and are employed in agriculture. Preliminary interviews revealed that the EU Blue Card and the associated rights create stratification and hierarchies among migrant workers (e.g., Blue Card holders work in positions aligned with their qualifications). The interviews, conducted in English, were recorded and transcribed. The collected ethnographic material was coded and thematically analysed (Braun and Clark, 2006).
Interlocutors with secondary and polytechnic degrees frequently cited financial difficulties in India, unemployment, and a lack of prospects as push factors for emigration. The research highlights the presence of a migration culture in India. All highly qualified interlocutors emphasised their desire for professional advancement and international work experience in the European Union as their primary motivation for migration. As significant pull factors, they identified the opportunity to experience European work culture, a better work-life balance, and an enhanced quality of life. All interlocutors secured employment before arriving in Croatia through recruitment agencies, social media platforms − particularly LinkedIn – or migrant networks.
This recent trend of immigration from India to Croatia should be viewed within the broader context of the increased employment of workers from the Global South in Global North countries (Sajed, 2020; Haug, Braveboy-Wagner and Maihold, 2021), facilitated in Croatia by the new Aliens Act, adopted in 2021. Although this migration is relatively recent, the research highlights the emergence and significant role of social migrant networks. These networks, beyond familial and friendly connections, are increasingly formed through social media platforms. For the interviewed Indian migrants, obtaining residence and work permits, along with visas, and preparing for relocation to Croatia took between three and seven months.
The research reveals the absence of an adequate institutional or governmental framework for the integration of migrants. This role has been assumed by employers, who implement it to varying extents. For all interviewees, employers arranged and secured their (initial) accommodation and provided administrative support, such as assistance with residence and work registration, opening bank accounts, and obtaining health insurance. The company employing the engineers developed an Englishlanguage handbook and offers Croatian language courses for its employees.
For all interlocutors, knowledge of the Croatian language has not been a requirement for finding or performing their jobs, nor during their leisure time. The primary language of communication is English, so most of them do not speak Croatian. Although there are opportunities for free language courses, agricultural workers and delivery personnel are generally unaware of such programmes, even though they express a desire to learn Croatian.
All interlocutors emphasised the cultural heterogeneity of Indians, both in India and in Croatia, particularly in terms of language and religion. The interviewed Indians speak various mother tongues, including Marathi, Hindi, Kannada, Allar, and Tamil, and come from different states (Maharashtra, Goa, New Delhi, Karnataka, Kerala, Tamil Nadu). The biggest challenge cited by all interviewees is food. However, the research indicates that this immigrant community is expanding, evidenced by the recent opening of an Indian food store in addition to existing Indian restaurants in Zagreb. Six of the interlocutors are Hindus, while three are Muslims. For the Hindu interviewees, visiting the temple in Zagreb is not a matter of great importance, as they practice their religious rituals at home. The research shows that Muslim women are adapting to the host society by abandoning traditional clothing and headdresses (hijabs) that they wore in India. Hindu women occasionally wear traditional clothing, mostly during festival celebrations (e.g., Diwali), which they celebrate at home, inviting both Indian and Croatian friends. One Hindu interviewee wears a bindi on her forehead, which symbolically represents a “third eye”. Employers accept the religion of the interviewed migrants and, when needed, provide flexible working hours for prayer. Given the significant diversity among Indian nationals – across religion, language, caste, education, and family status – further research on a larger sample would be valuable to assess the impact of these factors on integration. Additionally, attention should be paid to the preservation and celebration of traditional customs and practices.
All interlocutors socialise with Indians, other foreigners, and Croatians. Some have developed very close, “family-like” relationships with colleagues from work. They typically meet other Indians at the workplace or during recreational activities, namely cricket. Although the Croatian–Indian Society has been active in Zagreb since 1994, the interviewed Indians are unaware of its existence. Instead, they are members of social media groups on platforms such as Facebook (Indians in Croatia, Indians in Croatia (official)) and WhatsApp.
The interlocutors spoke about positive experiences of living in Croatia, with most denying having faced negative experiences. Only one mentioned poor living conditions, challenges at work, and an incident where security guards refused to allow Indians into a nightclub in Zagreb.
While most interviewees are satisfied with their living and working conditions in Croatia – particularly in terms of working hours and safety – their decision to remain in the country depends largely on professional and family plans, such as providing care for parents and starting a family. The research, conducted on both highly skilled and moderately skilled workers, reveals significant disparities in integration opportunities and future plans, influenced by migration and integration policies. These differences stem from whether migrants hold an EU Blue Card, given that different statuses entail varying rights. Blue Card holders, for instance, may immediately apply for family reunification upon the approval and registration of their residence in an EU member state, unlike those without the card. This highlights that, at the institutional level, permanent settlement in the EU – and, by extension, in Croatia – is not supported for lower- and medium-skilled labourers. The lack of a comprehensive migration policy in Croatia, the reliance on employers to recruit (inexpensive) labourers, and the absence of integration policies suggest that the objective is for foreign workers to remain in Croatia temporarily, with no long-term projections for their future. The findings indicate an urgent need for Croatia to develop and implement immigration and integration policies.
Ključne riječi
Indians in Croatia; migration drivers; integration; employers
Hrčak ID:
327882
URI
Datum izdavanja:
31.12.2024.
Posjeta: 198 *