Original scientific paper
https://doi.org/10.31724/rihjj.48.1.5
Falling Accents Outside the Initial Syllable in Bosnian Language – the Influence of Suffixes
Zenaida Karavdić
orcid.org/0000-0002-2001-1204
; Institut za jezik Univerziteta u Sarajevu
Abstract
The standard Bosnian language has a four-accent New Shtokavian system, from which it deviates in the presence of descending accents in some borrowings, compounds, genitive plural and vocative singular of some nouns, non-shifted accents onto proclitics, abbreviation and two-syllable reflexes of yat. Given that the condition for the common speech to be standardized is a precise description of its categories, in this paper, the approach to the falling accent is systemic, ie. the possible categories where the falling accent occurs consistently outside the initial syllable are discovered. For the final standardization, it is necessary to examine these categories in speech, which this paper will not be covering.
From previous research borrowings and the falling accent in the genitive plural and the vocative singular of individual words have been singled out as insufficiently described. Considering that the examples can be grouped according to suffixes almost without remainder, and basing off of the thesis that suffixes can determine the accent of words, the borrowings and words that in the genitive plural and / or the vocative singular have or may have a falling accent outside the initial syllable are therefore categorized according to the suffixes, which are listed in detail. The corpus consists of general dictionaries of the Bosnian language, so notes are given on the current normative status of certain categories, some of which are standardized. The research also gave rise to a general conclusion, which is that, in the Bosnian language, falling accents outside the first syllable appear only in three- and multi-syllable words.
Keywords
falling accents; non-initial syllable; suffixes; borrowings; genitive plural, vocative singular; Bosnian standard language
Hrčak ID:
281030
URI
Publication date:
29.7.2022.
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