APA 6th Edition Ilišin, V. (1999). Strukturna dinamika hrvatskog parlamenta. Politička misao, 36 (3), 151-174. Preuzeto s https://hrcak.srce.hr/31974
MLA 8th Edition Ilišin, Vlasta. "Strukturna dinamika hrvatskog parlamenta." Politička misao, vol. 36, br. 3, 1999, str. 151-174. https://hrcak.srce.hr/31974. Citirano 04.03.2021.
Chicago 17th Edition Ilišin, Vlasta. "Strukturna dinamika hrvatskog parlamenta." Politička misao 36, br. 3 (1999): 151-174. https://hrcak.srce.hr/31974
Harvard Ilišin, V. (1999). 'Strukturna dinamika hrvatskog parlamenta', Politička misao, 36(3), str. 151-174. Preuzeto s: https://hrcak.srce.hr/31974 (Datum pristupa: 04.03.2021.)
Vancouver Ilišin V. Strukturna dinamika hrvatskog parlamenta. Politička misao [Internet]. 1999 [pristupljeno 04.03.2021.];36(3):151-174. Dostupno na: https://hrcak.srce.hr/31974
IEEE V. Ilišin, "Strukturna dinamika hrvatskog parlamenta", Politička misao, vol.36, br. 3, str. 151-174, 1999. [Online]. Dostupno na: https://hrcak.srce.hr/31974. [Citirano: 04.03.2021.]
Sažetak The article looks into the changes in the party and the social structure of the first House of the Croatian parliament (Sabor) in the transitional period. A total of twenty-six political parties have had seats in the Parliament; sixteen of them secured their place in it through a prior support of the electoral body, while ten of them secured their parliamentary status solely through individual lists. The author shows that the party fragmentation has occurred due to the process of parliamentary parties’ factioning and the transfer of delegates from the parliamentary into the non-parliamentary parties. The degree of the party fragmentation in the Sabor is considered moderate and not disruptive for the functioning of the Parliament. This is due to the continued and stupendous mandate dominance of the majority party and to the fact that the party fragmentation has primarily involved the opposition parties. An analysis of the social/demographic characteristics of the representatives has shown that the Sabor is dominated by male, college-educated, forty-eight years old Croats with a bit more than four years of parliamentary experience. The educational structure of the Sabor does not differ much from other European parliaments, but the number of senior representatives is somewhat higher than in other European countries, while the share of women is lamentably under all democratic standards. It has been suggested that the most effective strategy the Croatian parliamentary political parties could employ regarding the gender and age representation are internally determined quotas for women and young people on their candidates’ lists for elections. This would indirectly influence the social structure and the level of democracy of the Croatian parliament.