Filologija, No. 42, 2004.
Izvorni znanstveni članak
Eventivity and the internal structure of nje-nouns
Matea Birtić
; Institut za hrvatski jezik i jezikoslovlje, Zagreb
Sažetak
In Croatian there are nouns with the suffix -nje, which can be derived from imperfective and perfective verb stems. The interpretation of nominals depends on the aspect of verb stem. Nouns with the suffix -nje derived frorn irnperfective stems are regularly interpreted as events, whereas nouns derived from perfective verbs have resultative interpretation. There are, however, exceptions to these phenomena. Same nouns derived from imperfective verbs can have both interpretations: eventive and resultative. In that respect they behave as cornplex event norninals in the sense of Grimshaw (1990). The paper also questions the possible eventive interpretation of nouns with perfective stems. Grimshaw's tests give ambiguous results in that respect. The internal structure of nje-nouns is analyzed in the frarnework of Distributive Morphology (Halle-Marantz 1992, 1994, Marantz 2001, Alexiadou 2001). In the theory of Distributed Morphology each word is result of syntactic operation Merge, which combines Root with functional categories. In accordance to analysis proposed in Alexiadou (2001) I assume that eventive nouns ending in -nje have both nominal (DP, PossP, NumP, FP) and verbal (AspP, vP, PerfP) functional categories in their structure, which enables their interpretation. Resultative nouns, as all other nouns, lack the verbal functional categories, therefore they are not interpreted as events.
Ključne riječi
Croatian deverbal nouns with suffix -nje; ambiguous interpretation of -nje nouns; perfective and imperfective aspect; eventivity diagnostics; Distributed Morphology
Hrčak ID:
156905
URI
Datum izdavanja:
24.1.2005.
Posjeta: 3.230 *