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https://doi.org/10.21066/carcl.libri.15.1.3

Mobilizacija sjećanja: međugeneracijski prikaz partizanske borbe u slovenskim slikovnicama

Barbara Zorman ; University of Primorska, Faculty of Education, Koper, Slovenia


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Sažetak

U radu se analiziraju slovenske slikovnice koje prikazuju partizanski pokret, a namijenjene su djeci do deset godina. Analiza je usmjerena na konstrukciju kulturnoga sjećanja i identiteta. Rane partizanske slikovnice crpile su iz folklornih tekstova, upotrebljavajući anonimneprotagoniste, motive borbe protiv nadmoćnih neprijatelja, kao i simboličke interakcije i asimilaciju sa životinjama i biljkama. Njihova borba simbolički smješta partizane u granični prostor između odvajanja od fašistički potlačenoga društva i reintegracije u novi, pravedniji društveni poredak. Mogu se identificirati dva isprepletena diskursa: predanost antifašističkomu otporu i pacifizam. Djeca su ponekad prikazana kao djeca-vojnici koji legitimiziraju partizanski cilj, ali češće kao svjedoci ratnih patnji. Tijekom 1960-ih pojavila se tema zaborava, koja odražava i slabljenje prepoznavanja žrtava rata i konstruktivni zaborav koji olakšava reintegraciju u mirnodopsko društvo.

Ključne riječi

Branka Jurca; dječja književnost; Ela Peroci; kulturno pamćenje; mobilizacija sjećanja; reprezentacija rata; Vida Brest

Hrčak ID:

351102

URI

https://hrcak.srce.hr/351102

Datum izdavanja:

25.8.2026.

Podaci na drugim jezicima: engleski

Posjeta: 0 *




UDK: 821.163.6.09-93

94(497.4)"1941/1945":087.5(497.4)

image1.jpgThis work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International license (CC BY 4.0). Ovaj je rad licenciran pod Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International licencom (CC BY 4.0).

Barbara Zorman

University of Primorska, Faculty of Education, Koper, Slovenija https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3498-6958 barbara.zorman@upr.si

Mobilisation of Memory

Intergenerational Representation of the Partisan Struggle in Slovenian Picturebooks

Izvorni znanstveni rad / original research paper

Primljeno / received 18. 8. 2025. Prihvaćeno / accepted 26. 2. 2026.

DOI: https://doi.org/10.21066/carcl.libri.15.1.3

The paper analyses Slovenian picturebooks intended for children up to ten years of age, representing the partisan movement. The analysis focuses on the construction of cultural memory and identity. Early partisan picturebooks drew on folklore texts by employing anonymous protagonists, the motifs of struggle against overwhelming enemies, as well as symbolic interactions with and assimilation into animals and vegetation. Their struggle symbolically positions the partisans in a liminal space between separation from a fascist-oppressed society and reintegration into a new, more just social order. Two intersecting discourses can be identified: commitment to anti-fascist resistance and pacifism. Children are sometimes depicted as child soldiers legitimising the partisan cause, but more often as witnesses of wartime suffering. In the 1960s, the theme of forgetting emerged, reflecting both the erosion of recognition of war victims and a constructive forgetting that facilitates reintegration into peacetime society.

Keywords: Branka Jurca, children’s literature, cultural memory, Ela Peroci, mobilisation of memory, representation of war, Vida Brest

Historical context

The partisan movement brought about a historical rupture, causing irreversible transformations within Slovenian society. During the Second World War, it united people across the entire Slovenian territory in the struggle against Fascism and Nazism. Despite its pronounced national-liberation basis, it was inherently international, a trait mirrored in the ethnically diverse composition of its forces (Pirjevec 2020). The partisan movement initiated institutional frameworks that, after 1945, evolved into core components of the welfare state and contributed to the processes that led to Slovenia’s independence.

In 1941, the Slovenian (and Yugoslav) resistance movement adopted the name partisans, replacing other previously established terms. This name was borrowed from the Russian term, which was widely used during the Napoleonic Wars (Pirjevec 2020: 87). The Slovenian partisan movement developed from the illegal activities of the Anti-Fascist Liberation Front (Osvobodilna fronta, OF); in this initially pluralistic organisation, the Communist Party finally took control in 1943. The first OF’s programme, which was published on 22 June 1941 in the Slovenski poročevalec newspaper under the title “The Slogans of our Struggle for Liberation”, began with the demands to “[t]he right of the Slovenian nation to self-determination, including the right to secede and unite with other nations, as well as the liberation and unification of the fragmented Slovenian nation, including the Carinthian and Littoral Slovenes” (Anon 1941: 1).1 The final OF programme was formed on 1 November 1941, and was published in the Slovenski poročevalec newspaper on 6 January 1942. Its fourth point declared: “Through the liberation struggle and the activation of the Slovene masses, the OF is transforming the national character of the Slovenes. The Slovenian masses fighting for their national and human rights are creating a new image of active Slovenian identity” (SNOO 1942: 2, as quoted in Repe 2015: 64–65). The movement not only aimed at defeating the enemy and building new social institutions, but also at influencing the psychological and spiritual condition of the population. This influence – or the mobilisation of the inner strength, will, courage, and motivation of society – was partly exerted through artistic communication. The OF was led by people “for whom art was a vital necessity” (Komelj 2009: 239) and who regarded artistic practice as a catalyst for individual and social change. These mobilisation efforts also extended to children. In his partisan diary, Edvard Kocbek recounts how, as the head of education and propaganda within the Slovenian branch of the Yugoslav Partisan administration, he held a meeting with children in a school in Lower Carniola in June 1942. Through the allegory of the mythical figure of King Matjaž, he told them that an awakened army had risen from the underground to fight the enemy and bring freedom: “An army that has sent me to tell the children that King Matjaž has awakened – and that they too must help him” (Kocbek 2022: 230).

At the end of the Second World War, the institutions of the newly founded state developed from the embryonic organs of the partisan movement. The state actively pursued its goal of influencing the broadest strata of the population, employing mechanisms developed during the war in the realms of propaganda and artistic expression. Moreover, the ruling Communist Party established a system of cultural control – initially through agitprop commissions and later through professional associations – enforcing its authority through dismissals, publication bans, and arrests. This system of control remained in place across all cultural sectors until the mid-1980s (Dović 2007). As Marko Juvan (2019: 184) notes, state intervention in Eastern European literary cultures between 1945 and 1991 followed an “unpredictable rhythm”, oscillating between repression and brief periods of relative freedom. Compared to the Soviet model, Yugoslavia allowed some space for modernist tendencies within a self-managed socialist framework.

One of the primary objectives of the new state was to establish an institutional framework that promoted nationwide reading education. In 1945, the publishing house Mladinska knjiga was founded in Ljubljana, with a primary focus on producing children’s and youth literature. Its first booklet, Ciciban čita [Ciciban Reads], was published in 1945 with an unprecedented print run of 50,000 copies, which was an impressive achievement given the post-war context (Mladinska knjiga 2023). An initiative to establish public youth libraries had already been proposed during the war, envisaging such facilities in every major Slovenian town. The first Slovenian pioneer library was founded in Ljubljana in 1948, and the number of such libraries increased significantly in the 1950s (Kamra.si, n.d.).

Representation of the partisan movement in the Čebelica publication series

In this article, I analyse selected picturebooks thematising the partisan struggle published by Mladinska knjiga between 1955 and 1980, specifically within the publication series for the youngest readers, Čebelica [The Bee]. This selection also includes books originally published in Serbian (Lastovice [Swallows]) and Croatian (Belko [Bjelko, Whitey]). The following 22 picturebooks constitute the corpus of the analysis, encompassing both directly cited works and those referenced implicitly: Vida Brest and Melita Vovk, Ptice in grm [Birds and the Bush] (1955); Stanko Semič and France Slana, Partizanček [The Little Partisan] (1955); Anđelka Martić and Vesna Borčić, Belko [Bjelko, Whitey] (1956); Venceslav Winkler and Stane Kumar, Mali Smolček [The Unlucky Little One] (1956); Mira Alečković and Sava Nikolić, Lastovice [Lastavice, Swallows] (1957); Franček Mirtič and Milan Bizovičar, V obroču: partizanska zgodba [Encircled: A Partisan Story] (1959); Ela Peroci and Ančka Gošnik Godec, Kje so stezice? [Where Are the Paths?] (1960); Slavko Krušnik and Štefan Planinc, Podmornica na suhem [A Submarine on Land] (1961); Zima Vrščaj and Jože Ciuha, Taščica [Robin] (1963); France Novšak and Vladimir Lakovič, Košček koruznega kruha [A Piece of Cornbread] (1964); Branka Jurca and Ivan Seljak, Gregec Kobilica [Gregec the Little Grasshopper] (1965); Marjanca Šeme and Marjanca Jemec Božič, Spomini partizanske učiteljice [Memories of a Parisan Teacher] (1970); Sergej Vošnjak and Marjanca Jemec Božič, Kruh, ki ga ni bilo [The Bread that Was Not There] (1971); Đorđe Radišić and Ančka Gošnik Godec, Deček in vojna [The Boy and the War] (1972); Zima Vrščaj and Jože Ciuha, Sinička nas je obiskala [A Titmouse Visited Us] (1974); Tone Seliškar and Ivan Seljak, Velika žrtev [The Great Sacrifice] (1976); Janez Vipotnik and Darinka Pavletič Lorenčak, Runo [Fleece] (1977); Karel Grabeljšek and Božidar Grabnar, Najmlajši partizan [The Youngest Partisan] (1978); Zima Vrščaj and Štefan Planinc, 7 cofov za 1. maj [Seven Tassels for the First of May] (1978); France Bevk and Roža Piščanec, Pikapolonica [Ladybird] (1979); Vida Brest and Ivan Seljak, Mamica saj bom pridna [Mummy, I’ll Be Good] (1980); Ciril Kosmač and Marjanca Jemec Božič, Medvejke [Meadowsweets] (1981).

After World War II, the publishing house Mladinska knjiga began developing picturebooks aimed at children up to the age of ten. The first original Slovenian picturebook, Martin Krpan z Vrha, a story originally written by Fran Levstik in 1858, was issued in 1917, with illustrations by Hinko Smrekar, but the rapid development of the picturebook began after 1945 (Blažić 2023). Crucial to the Čebelica publication series was its founder and editor, Kristina Brenk, one of the key figures in the development of Slovenian children’s literature in the second half of the twentieth century. She was committed to books that addressed children aesthetically, encouraged their curiosity and imagination, and resisted the book as a tool for indoctrination (Veler and Ilc 2021).

In the decades following the war, more ambitious mainstream fiction thematising partisans gradually moved away from representing the war as a dichotomy of “us versus them”. Instead, it delved into conflicts among wartime subjects and their inner struggles. In partisan fiction for children, the mobilisation tendency remained a central discursive thread until the 1980s. Its focus shifted from recruitment for the struggle that was characteristic of the inter-war period to the shaping of cultural memory and identity. In this study, I use the term “mobilisation of memory”, developed in earlier work, most notably, albeit not explicitly, in the texts of Pierre Nora (1989), who defines Lieux de mémoire as symbolic sites deliberately created to preserve memory and identity, and in the studies by Jan Assmann (2011), whose research on memory, identity, and cultural continuity, or the formation of tradition, began in the early 1980s. More recently, publications by Ayşe Gül Altınay et. al. (2019) and Francisco Villamil (2016) examine how memories are mobilised for social and political purposes, such as creating progressive narratives, challenging public forgetting, or supporting rights and activism, applying the concept directly as an analytical tool in studies of cultural and political memory.

Through exemplary narratives, partisan picturebooks called on children to preserve the memory of wartime sacrifice and to internalise an anti-fascist stance as a key component of collective identity. At the same time, as testimonies to the suffering of children during the war, they constitute an important artefact of pacifism. Given that integrating Slovenian children’s literature into European currents was a key priority for Kristina Brenk, this approach naturally resonated with broader post-war discourses on peace and intercultural understanding, promoted among others by Jella Lepman and the International Board on Books for Young People (IBBY).

In partisan and socialist discourses, the partisan struggle was presented as a rupture that initiated a decisive process, marking the beginning of a new, just, and inclusive post-war society (Kirn 2020; Komelj 2009). Thus, I posit that attributes of liminality characteristic of subjects inhabiting an in-between space (van Gennep 1960) were vital in the representation of protagonists in partisan picturebooks. The partisans rejected a society subjected to the rule of Fascism and Nazism, vowing to fight against it while attempting to establish a new social order. I assume that, in picturebooks, this liminality is represented through the following attributes: acting outside official, recognised social structures; the loss of former identity, home, family, workplace, and name; anonymisation within a collective identity (partisan, fighter, comrade); connectedness and egalitarianism, including the rejection of hierarchical group organisation due to immediate threats to life and dependence on fellow fighters in harsh living conditions; existing and acting on the margins of social space; constant exposure to mortal danger; and the sanctity of the partisan struggle.

The egalitarian dimension in the representation of the partisan experience, evident in picturebooks, mirrors the actual, historical operations of partisans during the war. Most of the participants in the partisan struggle were very young, and the number of female partisans was remarkably high (Jancar-Webster 1990). Children also took part in the partisan movement. Ildikó Erdei (2004) notes that children left without families would join partisan units and enthusiastically take part in battles. In May 1945, 40,000 of the 800,000 partisans were under the age of 15 (Ognjanović and Prelić 1982: 202). Erdei notes that, as most data derive from participants’ recollections of the National Liberation War and no official archival evidence exists, any figures for the total number of organised pioneers must be treated with caution (Erdei 2004).

The liminality of the partisans is also evident in the spaces in which they operated. Gal Kirn emphasises that the forest, in the context of the partisan struggle, was not merely a primary refuge for the partisans but also a primary site of political organisation and resistance, a laboratory of popular power. Animals, along with the forest as a whole, played a key role in fostering partisan and artistic sensibilities. Moreover, the forest became a direct metaphor for the partisan struggle (Kirn 2024: 69, also see Komelj 2009). In many examples of partisan visual art, the tree appears as a central motif of resistance. Kirn notes that the symbolism of resistance “can be traced in various depictions of imprisoned, wounded, or exhausted birds, as well as those that cannot be caged or manage to escape into freedom” (Kirn 2024: 70).

Although the partisan movement advocated for a decisive rupture with the past, its artworks frequently incorporated traditional motifs and structures. Partisan songs often borrowed from Slovenian peasant-revolt songs (Hrovatin 1965–1966). During and after the war, partisan film and literature utilised a guerrilla style of appropriation and mimicry of artistic means (Wurm 2010; Komelj 2009). Since children’s literature is, to a far greater extent than mainstream literature, characterised by variation of established structures (Nikolajeva 2005: 37), it is unsurprising that authors of partisan fiction for children drew upon Slovenian folkloric fairy tales and oral tradition. Within this tradition, the forest functions as the primary chronotope, often presenting a space of transition where the hero undergoes transformation or seeks refuge, e.g., hiding from danger in or under trees (see the Slovenian folk tales “Desetnica” [The Tenth Daughter] or “Deklica in pasjeglavci” [The Girl and the Dogheads] in Unuk and Grafenauer 2002). In Slovenian folk songs, birds frequently symbolise spiritual freedom and divine influence, often conveying messages of blessing or warnings of danger (Golež Kaučič 2002: 31–34). The analyses that follow will demonstrate that the forest functions as a central symbol of anti-fascist resistance in the partisan picturebook, mirroring its role in partisan fiction for adults. As in folk fairy tales, an initially marginalised and vulnerable protagonist is often empowered through the help of animals, frequently birds.

Post-war societies are often torn between the need to remember and the need to forget the traumatic events of war. Aleida Assmann (2012: 53) notes that the term “culture of remembrance”, which emerged in the 1990s, presents memory as both a moral and cultural obligation and a social and cultural resource. However, she also refers to Christian Meier (2010), who points out that if memory perpetuates hatred and the desire for revenge, it may be that forgetting is what pacifies conflicting parties and initiates the reintegration necessary for survival. Aleida Assmann goes on to propose the freeing of the terms forgetting and remembering from a rigid polarity and that “[b]oth of the socio-political practices, forgetting and remembering, can exert both damaging and healing effects” (Assmann 2012: 57). Assmann notes that (62):

[…] remembering to forget is also the basic aim of Freudian psychoanalysis, which lifts the burdensome past into the conscious, so that it may be left behind. The process of remembering in the form of a public and political procedure takes on a similarly therapeutic function as a means of forgetting: a painful truth must be brought into the open and made public, the victims must be offered the opportunity to speak of their suffering and their stories must be listened to and acknowledged with empathy in order to finally alleviate this painful burden of memory.

In her public lecture “Forms of Forgetting”, Aleida Assmann (2014) examined different forms of forgetting – from unconscious and selective forgetting to societal mechanisms like repression and archival preservation – highlighting how forgetting and remembering are deeply interconnected. Three aspects of productive forgetting, proposed by Assmann, are particularly relevant to this study, namely: constructive, therapeutic, and preservative forgetting. Constructive forgetting enables a break with the past and the formation of a new political or social identity, which often occurs after the political system changes. It is not an act of denial, but a deliberate decision to begin anew, sometimes supported by legislation or symbolic gestures. Therapeutic or transitional “remembering in order to forget” entails the deliberate recollection and confrontation of traumatic events, thereby enabling individuals to move beyond them. It acts as a healing process in which memory helps release the emotional burden of the past. Preservative forgetting (Assmann 2014):

[…] relies on a dynamic exchange between two institutions [...] the canon and the archive. The canon [...] stands for a small number of cultural messages that are addressed to posterity and intended for continuous repetition and re-actualisation. [...] At the other end of the spectrum, there is the archive, a storehouse for cultural relicts. These relicts have become decontextualised and disconnected from those frames, which had formerly authorised them or determined their meaning. Through this decontextualisation, these messages have lost their immediate addressees as well as their direct meaning and function. They are, however, not forgotten and thrown away. Instead, they are seen as a source of historical information and are therefore preserved for re-inspection.

Case studies

Prototypes of partisan picturebooks: Ptice in grm and Partizanček

Vida Brest joined the partisan struggle at the age of seventeen and published her first literary works in the partisan press. Ptice in grm [Birds and the Bush] is a story of a young partisan who finds herself alone in the middle of a military offensive in the forest. She escapes the fascists who surround her. When her strength is exhausted, and she can no longer flee, she intends to take her own life with her revolver. The birds dissuade her from suicide and advise her to hide in the bush; she does so, and the bush shakes its golden leaves over her, concealing her completely. She endures in this position for two days and two nights. Although the fascists search very close to the bush and eventually camp and sleep nearby, they do not find her. The birds flying over the bush warn the partisan of the danger and encourage her as she despairs and again intends to take her own life with the pistol. The text emphasises the motif of the protagonist’s repeated attempts (three) to take her own life with a pistol. This is an established motif in partisan fiction reflecting the partisans’ or prewar communists’ readiness to die. Finally, the birds signal to the partisan that the danger has passed. The girl is still very frightened but eventually rises from the bush and, with tears in her eyes, exclaims: “Thank you, bird friends, thank you, little bush of young beech! Thank you! Thank you!” (Brest and Vovk 1955: n.p.).

The protagonist’s liminal status is evident both in her position within an in-between space – estranged even from her unit and moving between the human realm and that of animals and vegetation – and in the absence of a personal identity, signalled by the lack of a personal name. The protagonists’ anonymity, or abstraction, corresponds both to the structural conventions of folk tales and to the mobilising appeal of early partisan art. Ptice in grm makes use of numerous motifs and structures of folk tales: the struggle of a weak protagonist against an overwhelming enemy, birds as symbols of hope, the inhumanity of the oppressors, and the threefold repetition of events. The motif of seeking refuge in nature appears very frequently in partisan picturebooks; it is a leading theme or at least an important motif in all the picturebooks in the corpus except for two “urban” picturebooks: Sedem cofov za prvi maj and Podmornica na suhem. In Ptice in grm, the dichotomy between “us” and “them” is articulated within a proto-ecological discourse. In the title illustration, the young partisan symbolically merges with the vegetation and shrubbery; her uniform is transformed into leaves, and it appears that the lower part of her body is merging with the bush. The fascists, on the other hand, are characterised by unnatural, mechanical attributes: weapons, discarded cans. A particularly negative trait assigned to the fascists is the practice of bird-trapping on lime sticks.

In the first Slovenian partisan picturebook, birds play a particularly significant role: they appear as a motif serving as an allegory of suffering and oppression under fascism. As victims of violence, birds also appear in Lastovice [Swallows], where the inhumanity of the enemies is demonstrated by the fact that they destroyed the birds’ nest. In Birds and the Bush, the partisan discourse aimed at children not only imitates but actively transforms the traditional fairy-tale structure: birds no longer function merely as magical beings or divine messengers; instead, they act as active participants in the partisan struggle, reinforcing the narrator’s claim in the story’s incipit that humans, animals, and plants were united against oppression. Nature itself – for instance, represented by snow (in Smolček), a squirrel (in Taščica), and partisan dogs like Belko (in Belko) and Runo (in Runo) – is represented as an active participant in the fight.

Kirn refers to the merging of partisans and nature in reference to the famous piece of partisan graphic art, Scorched Pear Tree (1944) by France Mihelič, and suggests that the isolation of the tree in the landscape also alludes to the “resistance of the plant and the persistence of resistance in the landscape” (Kirn 2024: 67). The cover illustration of the picturebook Partizanček (1955) by France Slana shows the image of a tree, which is reminiscent of Mihelič’s famous print and thus continues the discourse established during the war.

The author of the verbal text of this picturebook, also the narrator and central character, Stanko Semič – Daki, was a former Spanish fighter and one of the founding figures of the partisan army. In 1943, he was the first Slovene to be honoured as a national hero. Edvard Kocbek observes in his diary entry from 1942 that Daki was a surprisingly slight and modest man, although his heroism had already become proverbial: “The boys have a special relationship with him; they see in him a kind of luck, a fortune that it is good to be close to, so that the bullet does not catch you. Around him, the early elements of a personal myth are already forming” (Kocbek 2022: 289). The author’s iconic status lent the picturebook Partizanček an aura of authority and credibility. On the first two pages of Partizanček, Daki describes the formation and composition of the proletarian unit, noting that it consisted of 48 fighters and was well armed, which he describes in detail: “Each fighter had a rifle, some hand grenades, and a submachine gun. The unit also included eight light machine guns – Zbrojovkas” (Semič and Slana 1955: n.p.). The narrative then continues with an account that places Daki in a specific time and place that coincides with his wartime activities at the town of Ig. One day, when he was on guard duty, he saw a child walking along the road from Škrilje towards Ig and the unit. When the child, whom Daki estimated to be about twelve years old, reached the narrator, he demanded to talk to Commander Daki. At first, the child did not want to believe that the person he was speaking to was actually the commander, because of his relaxed, non-hierarchical appearance, and only accepted it when the members of his brigade confirmed the commander’s identity. The child was determined to join the partisans as a fighter. He convinced Daki of his courage by proving that he had taken ammunition from drunken fascists in a tavern. The narrator reports that the boy remained with the proletarian unit and took up arms as a partisan. Daki emphasises twice that the fighters protected the boy, striving to keep him safe. During heavy fighting, they ensured he stayed near the kitchen, and they spared him from particularly hazardous courier duties. In conclusion, the narrator notes that he had forgotten the boy’s name but learnt that he later became an officer in the Tomšič battalion. The story ends with the sentence: “His story shows how even the youngest pioneers took part in the National Liberation War, and became good couriers, fighters, and officers” (Semič and Slana 1955: n.p.).

Mobilisation appeal and representation of children in war

The mobilising intent of the text in the first two analysed picturebooks is evident in declarative sentences that stand apart from the literary fabric, functioning as adaptations of political slogans rendered into language accessible to children. As we can read in Birds and the Bush (Brest and Vovk 1955: n.p.):

When we were partisans, everything was with us—people, forests, animals. And among the animals, there were also birds. Truly. Birds are incredibly clever. They know who loves them and who does not. Partisans, and indeed everyone, loves birds, and the birds know this, which is why they love us back, and there are many of them around us. But some people hate birds. Such were the ugly fascists from the land where our little birds are trapped in nets when they fly over the sea to spend the winter. That is why the birds hated the black fascists and sided with the partisans. That bond with the birds was of great value! Just listen to how the birds helped the partisans.

The third sentence, “Truly”, presents a discontinuity in the coherence of the address. The text burns with the desire for children to believe that the partisan movement was supported not only by all people but also by all forests, animals, and especially birds and that there is a sacred unity between the partisans and the forest; however, the word “Truly”, emphasised as a standalone sentence, can be interpreted by an informed reader as a fissure in the ideological unity and persuasiveness of the text, since this insistence on its own credibility appears to expose its arbitrariness or even its fabrication.

The picturebook Partizanček also shows a strong desire for the text to be read as a credible account of events and as a model of identity. In contrast to Ptice in grm, which begins as an appeal and turns into a fairy tale, Partizanček reads like an autobiographical narrative that concludes with a mobilising appeal to its young readers. The picturebook confronts the highly sensitive issue of portraying a child engaged in combat. Some children who fought with the partisans, namely Boško Buha, Sava Jovanović Sirogojno, Milka Mika Bosnić, Fana Koćovska, and several others, became celebrated figures often referred to as “pioneer-national heroes” (Erdei 2004). Berislav Majhut and Sanja Lovrić Kralj (2016) observe that Yugoslav socialist children’s literature often portrays children as active heroes fighting alongside adults as their equals in heroic resistance against the enemy.

The communist leaders of Yugoslavia frequently emphasised the role these youngest fighters played during the war. This was partly to underline the necessity of the liberation war, as even “mere children” recognised its importance and risked their lives for the cause (Erdei 2004). Child heroes have played a central role in shaping public opinion, particularly among young audiences. This is exemplified by figures such as Josef Bara during the French Revolution and numerous Soviet-era child heroes later adopted by other communist regimes, including the “heroes of Belitsa” in Bulgaria (Angelova 2023).

In Partizanček, Daki’s narration is firmly aimed at convincing the young reader that the partisans treated the youngest fighters in the war with great honour and protectiveness and did everything to ensure their safety. An informed reader, who can compare this text with information from other sources, may either believe the legendary hero or interpret his representation as an attempt to mitigate and idealise so as to erase the traumatic dimension from the memory of the partisans to facilitate identification with it (Komelj 2009: 34). The narrator notes at the end of the story that he has forgotten the child’s name. Does the child’s anonymity raise ethical concerns, and might the child have deserved to have his identity preserved? Or can Partizanček be read as a tribute, a memorial to the children whose names – unlike the author’s – have not been preserved in Slovenian cultural memory? Or do the national hero and the child soldier mutually legitimise each other’s place in collective memory, with the fluidity between their identities highlighting the egalitarian and liminal nature of partisan representation?

While the motif of the child hero is often associated with a direct appeal to bravery or militant commitment, most picturebooks in the selected corpus represent children in war within a discourse that promotes peace and poignantly mourns their suffering. Gregec Kobilica (Jurca and Seljak 1965), published on the twentieth anniversary of the end of the war, commemorates the memory of child fighters who lost their lives in battle. It explores the deeper emotional and ethical motivations that compel children to join the partisans. The reader learns that before Gregec, his father and two older brothers had already joined the partisans, and that it was primarily his mother’s attachment that kept Gregec, who most of all desired to join the partisans, at home. The final decision is influenced by the beauty and vulnerability of two persecuted partisans, whom the boy accidentally discovers while they are hiding in the bushes. Thus, the decision is initially triggered aesthetically, then emotionally and instinctively by a desire to help a fellow human in distress. When Gregec helps the partisans cross the river, he undergoes an irreversible transformation and can no longer return to his former life.

A pronounced pacifist discourse is also evident in the literary depiction of Albin Pibernik’s childhood in Deček in vojna (Radišić and Gošnik 1972). Pibernik was ten years old when he joined his parents in the first partisan proletarian brigade, took part in the partisans’ march over the Igman mountain in freezing weather in 1942, and became a ward of Tito after the death of his parents. Deček in vojna was published in the early 1970s, at the time of extensive purges of liberal groups among communists (Pirjevec 2025: 329–384). It avoids glorification despite Pibernik’s partisan name, Korčagin, which symbolises the ideal of the heroic and totally self-sacrificing Soviet youth. Instead, the book turns to the lyrical representation of the relationship between the child and the war, personifying the ultimate evil. The child protagonist shares important events and hardships with the partisans (the text mentions his stays under horrible circumstances in Užice, Foča, etc.) but is never shown to have actively participated in the fight. Instead, Albin’s friendship with a boy of German origin strengthens his resistance to the war, which is personified as an abstract evil. The red colour and the tank tracks evoke an abstract oppressive force (Radišić and Gošnik Godec 1972: n.p.):

The sky was clear, without a single cloud. Slowly, the red sun was rising behind the forest. Thunder rumbled and lightning flashed beyond the hill, as if a storm was coming. This was how the war approached—rolling into the valley on tank tracks […]. Along the road, steel tracks rumbled, leaving clouds of dust behind them.

Pikapolonica (1979) by France Bevk and Roža Piščanec also conveys a strong pacifist message. The protagonist represents a group of children who have been severely traumatised by the war: war orphans. The story begins with the friendship between the partisan courier Crow and the little shepherd girl, Tinka, whom the partisan nicknamed Ladybird due to her red dress with black dots. When the partisan learned that she was an orphan, he asked if she would like him to be her father: “It may have just been a joke, but Tinka never forgot it. Silently, in her mind, she now regarded the partisan Crow as her father. The very thought warmed her heart” (Bevk and Piščanec 1979: n.p.). When Crow was hunted down by the Nazis, and wounded, he sought help from the child. She warned him that the Germans were nearby, helped him bandage his wound, and went on a reconnaissance mission for him. She did this not out of ideological loyalty or a deeper understanding of the partisan struggle, but because, as an orphan, she missed her father and saw the partisan as a father figure. The narrator emphasises the contrast between childlike innocence and the violence of war.

The Čebelica series portrays children’s roles in the partisan struggle through three main motifs: the child as a heroic fighter (e.g. Partizanček, Belko), as a civilian supporter (e.g. Spomini partizanske učiteljice, Pikapolonica), and as a witness or victim of war (e.g. Deček in vojna, Podmornica na suhem). It also highlights partisan institutions such as schools and printing presses – symbols of a new, inclusive postwar society – documented in books such as Podmornica na suhem and Spomini partizanske učiteljice.

Forms of forgetting in Kje so stezice and Gregec Kobilica

In 1960 and 1965, on the fifteenth and the twentieth anniversaries of the liberation, two respective picturebooks were published that thematise the intergenerational transmission of war memories to children born in peacetime (for motifs of the intergenerational narration about the partisan movement in Branka Jurca’s literature, see Tucovič Sturman 2025). These inquire about the past, and the ex-partisans provide an emotionally intense and suspenseful recounting of events. Both picturebooks continue the mobilisation of memory by portraying postwar children as highly eager to learn about wartime events and the nature of the partisan struggle, thereby offering a normative model of behaviour. Both also emphasise the commemoration of young people killed in the war and evoke their forgotten forest graves. They continue to depict partisans within the realm of liminality, featuring attributes such as anonymity, egalitarianism, martyrdom, merging with vegetation, and seeking refuge in nature. The two picturebooks also foreground the fact that former partisans sometimes struggled to accept the war as a closed chapter of history. As several works of mainstream Slovenian partisan fiction illustrate, the separation from partisan identity was sometimes traumatic for individuals who struggled to find their place in postwar society and perceived it as corrupted (see Babič 1960). This difficulty can be attributed to the former fighters’ inability, in the aftermath of the war, to leave the transitional state of liminality, remaining suspended between their wartime and peacetime identities – a situation reflected, to some extent, in the protagonist of Kje so stezice (Peroci and Gošnik Godec 1960). In Gregec Kobilica (Jurca and Seljak 1965), this inability to exit the liminal state is intensified through the fantastic mode, as the young courier moves back and forth between life and death in his effort to ensure that postwar generations remember the victims of the war.

In Gregec Kobilica, the war as memory is the central theme, with the partisans rendered as an unreliable image, an imaginative construct. The story is divided into the frame and the embedded narrative: the former introduces Nejc, a modern boy, whose imagination generates the embedded narrative, inventing an imaginary partisan friend to alleviate loneliness. The boy paints a child partisan who comes to life and tells Nejc: “An enemy bullet hit me right in the heart. They buried me at the edge of the forest under an oak tree. No one knows about my grave. That is why I am glad you brought me back to life” (Jurca and Seljak 1965). While the verbal text foregrounds the duty to remember, it is also riddled with small cracks of forgetting evident in the frequent use of negation, such as: “But no partisan comes”; “You know, I didn’t limp…”; “No one knows about my grave”; “Boy, you’ve completely forgotten the partisan cap!”; and “At home, they were against it. They said children had no place in the partisans. Well, I was a partisan, a hero, even though no school is named after me” (Jurca and Seljak 1965: n.p.). It is also worth noting that both partisans have names with negative prefixes “ne-” – Neven and Neva (and so does Nejc). The child partisan, brought to life in Nejc’s imagination, embodies the accusation that forgetting constitutes a desecration of wartime victims. The text emphasises children’s agency in shaping the post-war narrative of the partisan movement, while simultaneously foregrounding its own fictionality. Although Nejc gives the painted figure a mirror so that Gregec can judge whether his likeness is truthful, Nejc eventually spills a cup of water over the picture, transforming Gregec into a rainbow-coloured stain. This self-reflexivity could also be interpreted as a modernist intrusion into the grand partisan narrative.

In Kje so stezice by Ela Peroci and Ančka Gošnik Godec (1960), the opening sentence appears to introduce the partisan narrative apodictically through the reiteration of its central premise, namely the magnificent act of resistance. But the introductory sentence frames this tenet within an embedded story, told formulaically to children, thereby endowing it with a fairy-tale-like, fictional quality (Peroci and Gošnik Godec 1960: n.p.):

Whenever the mother told her children stories, she always began in the same way: “It was a great forest,” and then she would pause for a moment, and the children liked to ask, “Was it very big?” “Yes,” she would reply, “it was such a vast forest that I never managed to walk through all of it, and when I looked up, I could barely see a patch of sky between the tops of the spruces and beeches – it was that far away.”

The forest — initially established as a fundamental symbol of the partisan struggle – is reinterpreted during the narrative. The mother recounts her partisan days with such persistence that the family decides to head into the forest to search for the paths that feature in the mother’s stories so prominently. In doing so, they attempt to engage in a kind of ritual enactment; re-experiencing memory through the mechanism of lieux de mémoire. After a long walk, the mother grows disheartened, lamenting that she cannot find the right path despite her continuing efforts. She is saddened by her inability to show the children the cabin and other partisan sites, and even the children start to question whether they are truly at the location of the partisan struggle. Forgetting is thus established as the central conflict of the story, almost functioning as an antagonist. The negative connotation of the erosion of memory and, consequently, of past human bonds is already suggested by the picturebook’s title: Where Are (Those) Paths, also the title of a well-known Slovenian folk song lamenting the disappearance of the paths that once led to the loved one. As in Gregec Kobilica, in Kje so stezice the protagonist’s thoughts signal that forgetting the war implies the betrayal of war victims and the consequent renunciation of one’s own collective belonging. The mother’s partisan identity is bound by ties with her comrades, the memory of her best friend’s forest wedding to the bravest of partisans, and to the ensuing battles in which both newlyweds were killed. Even more than the pain caused by the loss of her friends, the mother is tormented by the fact that her memories are disintegrating. On the narrative level, this is reflected in her wandering through the forest and despairing over the disappearance of old paths, which the grass had overgrown. From her desperate wandering in circles, however, the mother is rescued by her family, who represent forces opposite to dwelling on the past: “[e]ven if we get nowhere, it is worth walking”, the father said. “After all, you have walked through this forest” (Peroci and Gošnik Godec 1960: n.p.). The resolution of the story incorporates several of the modes of productive forgetting identified by Aleida Assmann: constructive forgetting, which allows a break with the past and the formation of a new identity; preservative forgetting, in which the past loses its immediate visibility but is preserved in a latent state for potential future rediscovery, and, particularly, therapeutic forgetting, which involves confronting traumatic events to release the emotional burden of the past. These aspects are clearly reflected in the complex relationship between the mother and the forest, especially in her realisation that the forest has changed: besides being the place of struggle and personal transformation, it has also become the site of memory and, simultaneously, of forgetting. In Kje so stezice, the process that was initiated by the young protagonists in Ptice in grm and Partizanček through their separation from civil society and entrance into the liminal position of the partisan struggle finally concludes with a happy ending: reintegration into peacetime society. The mother finally reconciles with the fact that the forest she traverses is the same forest she once walked as a partisan, although it has changed: “Yes, that forest is here, and I remember everything vividly, only the paths have been covered by time and beech leaves, so that they now disappear and lead nowhere” (Peroci and Gošnik Godec 1960: n.p.). The mother’s acceptance of her new identity is also represented by Gošnik Godec’s image which is two-part, black and green: the black part features a fallen, ruined tree; the green part, a fresh new tree growing from the roots of the old, leaning toward it as in a kind of a dialogue, while birds sit and fly over the branches of the dead tree. The final passages clearly present the forest as a space of renewal and reconstruction: the family gather cyclamens, observe the birds, and catch sunbeams. The story concludes with a symbolic new beginning: “‘It was a beautiful trip’, the father said to his wife, and the children gathered around the mother and repeated: ‘It was lovely, even though we did not find those paths’. At home, they placed the cyclamens they had gathered in the mother’s white vase on the table” (Peroci and Gošnik Godec 1960: n.p.).

Conclusion

Partisan picturebooks mirror mainstream partisan fiction, which depicted the partisan movement as a symbol of the Slovenian nation’s transformation from a passive to an active, assertive identity, emphasising its liminal nature with the attributes of impermanence, the renunciation of social hierarchies, along with all the comforts of civilised life, and an identification of its participants with the flora and fauna of the forest. In this context, the partisan picturebook draws on the themes and motifs from oral tradition, particularly the alliance between animals, plants, and humans in the struggle against oppression. In partisan picturebooks, animal and plant helpers feature not as instruments of divine intervention, but as active, earthly participants in the struggle and occasionally as emblems of resistance. The child, involved in the war, embodies sacrificial yet simultaneously combative attributes of the liminal state, with depictions ranging from exemplary fighter-heroes in earlier picturebooks to more pacifistically rendered representations in later texts. With the passage of time from the end of the war, the theme of forgetting emerges in picturebooks both as a threat to the pietas toward the victims and as a form of constructive forgetting. Although the partisan struggle remains a prominent theme in Slovenian discourses, partisan picturebooks have not been reprinted, included in readers, or incorporated into curricula since 1991. Consequently, they were removed from the canon, which Aleida Assmann (2014) defines as a set of cultural messages meant for continual repetition and reactualisation, and relegated to the archive as decontextualised relicts.

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Barbara Zorman

Pedagoški fakultet Sveučilišta u Primorskoj, Koper, Slovenija

Mobilizacija sjećanja

Međugeneracijski prikaz partizanske borbe u slovenskim slikovnicama

U radu se analiziraju slovenske slikovnice koje prikazuju partizanski pokret, a namijenjene su djeci do deset godina. Analiza je usmjerena na konstrukciju kulturnoga sjećanja i identiteta. Rane partizanske slikovnice crpile su iz folklornih tekstova, upotrebljavajući anonimne protagoniste, motive borbe protiv nadmoćnih neprijatelja, kao i simboličke interakcije i asimilaciju sa životinjama i biljkama. Njihova borba simbolički smješta partizane u granični prostor između odvajanja od fašistički potlačenoga društva i reintegracije u novi, pravedniji društveni poredak. Mogu se identificirati dva isprepletena diskursa: predanost antifašističkomu otporu i pacifizam. Djeca su ponekad prikazana kao djeca-vojnici koji legitimiziraju partizanski cilj, ali češće kao svjedoci ratnih patnji. Tijekom 1960-ih pojavila se tema zaborava, koja odražava i slabljenje prepoznavanja žrtava rata i konstruktivni zaborav koji olakšava reintegraciju u mirnodopsko društvo.

Ključne riječi: Branka Jurca, dječja književnost, Ela Peroci, kulturno pamćenje, mobilizacija sjećanja, reprezentacija rata, Vida Brest

Notes

[1] All the translations from Slovenian into English are by the author of this paper.


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