Osmanska karta Hercegovačkog i Skadarskog sandžaka iz 1853. godine

1. Uvod

Kartografska građa, kao pokretno kulturno dobro i sastavni dio kulturne baštine, predstavlja važan dio fondova biblioteka, arhiva i muzeja. Počeci priku­pljanja kartografske građe u bibliotekama, kao mje­stima okupljanja znanja pristupačnog javnosti, sežu u početak 19. stoljeća. Kasnije u evropskim zemlja­ma nastaju pravila, a potom i priručnici za katalogi- zaciju kartografske građe, koji sadrže međunarodne standarde za njenu obradu, kao i preporuke da se ona čuva u posebnim fondovima kako biblioteka, tako i drugih baštinskih ustanova (Drder Miletić, 2013). Kartografski prikazi prostora Bosne i Her­cegovine različitih provenijencija izrazito su bitni i kao izvori za izučavanje njene historije. Usljed habsburških i mletačkih pretenzija prema ranono- vovjekovnom bosanskohercegovačkom prostoru, veoma rano su se javili pokušaji njegovih kartograf­skih prikaza. Prve karte ostavljale su praznine zbog nepoznavanja prostora, da bi u kasnijim stoljećima intenziviranjem špijunaže postale cjelovitije i sadr­žajnije. Iako je bosanskohercegovački prostor pred­stavljan i na nekim ranijim kartama, prva štampa­na karta koja u svom nazivu izrijekom nosi i ime Bosna jeste karta čiji bi se naziv mogao prevesti “Moderna karta Bosne, Srbije, Grčke i Sklavinije”, autora Martina Waldseemullera, njemačkog karto­grafa s prelaza 15. u 16. stoljeće (Kozličić, 2003: 17). Sve do 18. stoljeća karte nastaju uglavnom kao rezultat deskripcije prostora, bez potrebnih geodet­skih i astronomskih mjerenja. Onodobni autori ne raspolažu svježim geografskim informacijama te se služe kartama prethodnih kartografa i različitim po­srednim izvorima. Ti kartografi kasne za stvarnim promjenama na terenu u prosjeku pedesetak godi­na, a njihove karte rezultat su kompilacije. Tek u 18. stoljeću povećava se broj karti nastalih snima­njem, na osnovu direktnih uviđaja na terenu. Nakon mira u Požarevcu (1718) austrijski vojni inžinjeri F. Heisse i I. Berndt snimili su sjeverne dijelove Bosne između rijeka Une i Drine. Tako je nastala karta koja predstavlja prvu kartu jednog dijela BiH dobivenu direktnim snimanjem terena (Gašparović, 1970: 81-82 i 168). Početkom 19. stoljeća javlja se pojačan interes tada vodećih evropskih država za osmanske posjede u Evropi. Posljedica tog interesa je i nastanak velikog broja sitnorazmjernih karata “evropske Turske”. Međutim, ni tada ne postoje temeljitiji topografski podaci o navedenom prosto­ru te se nameće potreba za njegovim sistematskim naučnogeografskim proučavanjem. Pri kraju četvrte decenije 19. stoljeća javlja se niz naučnika, najviše

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2. Introduction

Cartographic material, as a movable cultural asset and an integral part of cultural heritage, represents an important part of the funds of libraries, archives and museums. The beginnings of collecting car- tographic materials in libraries, as places of gather- ing of knowledge accessible to the public, date back to the beginning of the 19th century. Later, Europe- an countries created rules and then manuals for the cataloging of cartographic material, which contain international standards for its processing, as well as recommendations to keep it in special collections of both libraries and other heritage institutions (Drder Miletić, 2013). Cartographic representations of the area of Bosnia and Herzegovina of different prov- enances are extremely important as sources for the study of its history. Due to the Habsburg and Venetian pretensions towards the early modern Bosnian area, there were very early attempts to map it. The first maps left gaps due to lack of knowledge of the area, but in later centuries, with the intensification of espi- onage, they became more complete and meaningful. Although the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina was also represented on some earlier maps, the first printed map that has the name Bosnia in its title is a map whose name could be translated as “Modern map of Bosnia, Serbia, Greece and Sclavonia”, au- thored by Martin Waldseemuller, a German cartog- rapher from the turn of the 15th to the 16th century (Kozličić, 2003: 17). Until the 18th century, maps were created mainly as a result of the description of space, without the necessary geodetic and astro- nomical measurements. Authors of that time did not have fresh geographical information and used maps of previous cartographers and various indirect sourc- es. Those cartographers are behind the real changes on the ground by an average of fifty years, and their maps are the result of a compilation. Only in the 18th century did the number of maps created by recording increase, based on direct observations in the field. After the peace in Požarevac (1718), the Austrian military engineers F. Heisse and I. Berndt recorded the northern parts of Bosnia between the rivers Una and Drina. This is how the map was created, which represents the first map of a part of BiH obtained by direct recording of the terrain (Gašparović, 1970: 81­82, 168). At the beginning of the 19th century, there was an increased interest of the then leading Euro- pean states in the Ottoman possessions in Europe. The result of this interest is the creation of a large number of small-scale maps of “European Turkey”. However, even then, there are no more thorough top-

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francuskih i austrijskih, koji obilaze bosanskoher- cegovački prostor i istražuju njegove geografske, topografske, geološke i brojne druge odlike. U na­rednom periodu nailazi se na veoma uspjele speci­jalizirane karte Bosne i Hercegovine koje prikazuju podatke dobivene naučnim ispitivanjima (etnograf- sko-etnološke, ekonomske, geološke, klimatske i dr.). Ipak, ovakvim ispitivanjima glavni cilj nije bio samo naučno saznanje nego je to bio put za postiza­nje rezultata u cilju lakšeg političkog, vojnog i eko­nomskog prodora u Bosnu i Hercegovinu (Gašparo- vić, 1970: 137).

Osmansko kartografiranje istoga prostora u ranom novom vijeku nije rađeno planski niti sistematski. Do danas su ostali sačuvani samo rijetki primjer­ci premodernih osmanskih karti (Up. Karamusta- fa, 1992: 218; Brentjes, 2005: 126; Ustuner i Ar- slanturk, 2017. i sl.). Na nekima od njih prikazan je i prostor današnje Bosne i Hercegovine (Korić, 2020). Navedene osmanske karte uglavnom predstavljaju prevode evropskih kartografskih izvora. Ipak, za jednu kartu Ejaleta Kaniža te Bosanskog ejaleta s okolinom u autografu Kozmografije (Cihannuma) Katiba Čelebija iz 1648. godine, argumentirano se može pretpostaviti da predstavlja autorski uradak samoga Katiba Čelebija, nastao nakon uvida u sta­nje na terenu, odnosno uz moguće konsultiranje s dobrim poznavaocima spomenutoga prostora (Ko- rić, 2021). Ostale osmanske karte ove regije nastale u narednom periodu najčešće su sačinjavane za po­trebe vizualizacije prostora u svrhu putovanja i trgo­vine, kao i rezultata procesa osmansko-austrijskog i osmansko-mletačkog razgraničenja na ovim pro­storima nakon Požarevačkog mira (1718) i Svištov- skog mira (1795). Tek bi se za karte nastale u toku procesa osmansko-austrijskog razgraničenja nakon Svištovskog mira moglo tvrditi da predstavljaju profesionalne karte i ujedno zvanične dokumente iza kojih je stajala Osmanska država (Korić, 2020: 91-123). Naime, karte su djelo državnih službenika inžinjera - muhendisa Abdurrahman-efendije koji je bio profesor i direktor novoosnovane carske inži- njerske škole - Muhendishane-i bern humayun (up: Beydilli, 2020) u Istanbulu te arhitekte Mehmed- efendije (Schmidt, 2000: 94). Osim toga, u nared­nom 19. stoljeću, zbog pojačane potrebe edukaci­je oficira i drugog vojnog i profesionalnog osoblja nakon ukidanja janjičarskog korpusa 1826. godine, ukazom sultana Mahmuda II (1808-1839), po uzo­ru na Ecole militaire u Francuskoj, u Istanbulu je 1835. godine osnovana vojna škola Mekteb-i har- biye (Ozcan, 1997: 115). U spomenutoj školi su izrađivane i publikovane i topografske karte jer je

ographical data about the said area, and the need for its systematic scientific-geographical study arises. At the end of the fourth decade of the 19th century, a number of scientists appeared, mostly French and Austrian, who toured the area of Bosnia and Herze- govina and researched its geographical, topographi- cal, geological and numerous other features. In the following period, one comes across very successful specialized maps of Bosnia and Herzegovina that show data obtained from scientific investigations (ethnographic-ethnological, economic, geological, climatic, etc.). However, the main goal of such in- vestigations was not only scientific knowledge, but it was a way to achieve results with the aim of eas- ier political, military and economic penetration into Bosnia and Herzegovina (Gašparović, 1970: 137).

Ottoman mapping of the same area in the early mod- ern century was not done in a planned or systematic way. Only rare examples of pre-modern Ottoman maps have survived to this day (Cf. Karamustafa, 1992: 218; Brentjes, 2005: 126; Ustuner & Ars- lanturk, 2017, and similar). Some of them also show the territory of today’s Bosnia and Herzegovina (Ko- rić, 2020). The mentioned Ottoman maps are mainly translations of European cartographic sources. Nev- ertheless, for one map of Eyalet of Kaniža and Eya- let of Bosnia with its surroundings in the autograph of Cosmography (Cihannuma) of Katib Qelebi from 1648, it can be argued that it is the author’s work of Katib Qelebi himself, created after an insight into the situation on the ground, i.e. with possible consulta- tion with a good connoisseur of the mentioned area (Korić, 2021). Other Ottoman maps of this region created in the following period were most often cre- ated for the purposes of visualizing the space for the purpose of travel and trade, as well as the results of the process of Ottoman-Austrian and Ottoman-Vene- tian delimitation in these areas after the Peace of Požarevac (1718) and the Peace of Svishtov (1795). Only the maps created during the Ottoman-Austri- an demarcation process after the Peace of Svishtov could be claimed to represent professional maps and at the same time official documents behind which the Ottoman State stood (Korić, 2020: 91-123). Namely, the maps are the work of civil servants engineer Ab- durrahman-efendi, who was a professor and director of the newly founded imperial engineering school - Muhendishane-i bern humayun (cf. Beydilli, 2020) in Istanbul, and architect Mehmed-efendi (Schmidt, 2000: 94). In addition, in the following 19th century, due to the increased need for the education of of- ficers and other military and professional personnel after the abolition of the janissary corps in 1826, by

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sredinom devetnaestog vijeka interes osmanske ad­ministracije za mapiranje evropskih dijelova svog carstva bio dodatno podstaknut zahtjevima njenih vojnih operacija tokom osmansko-ruskih ratova, kao i posljedičnim geopolitičkim promjenama koje su se desile usljed nezavisnosti pojedinih dijelova Osmanskog carstva (Altić, 2018: 333). U navede­nom kontekstu i okolnostima vjerovatno je nastala i ovdje analizirana karta iz 1853. godine, ali na njoj nije naznačeno da je izrađena u okvirima postoje­ćih navedenih institucija kao što je to slučaj s nekim drugim kartama iz razmatranog perioda.¹

3. Naziv i opis osmanske karte iz 1853. godine

Osmanska karta Hercegovačkog i Skadarskog san­džaka iz 1853. godine čuva se u Osmanskom arhivu Predsjedništva u Istanbulu (BOA, HRT.h 102). Na karti je prikazan širi prostor Hercegovačkog i Ska­darskog sandžaka, ubilježene granice te posebno naznačena rudna nalazišta, kao i dva izlaza Osman­skog carstva na Jadransko more - luke Klek i Suto- rina. Za potrebe ove analize nije korišten originalni dokument, nego njegova digitalna kopija urađena u koloru, koja nudi pretpostavke za njen parcijalan diplomatički opis. Karta je dimenzija 74 x 47,5 cm. Sastoji se od 12 numerisanih pojedinačnih komada papira, dimenzija približno 18,5 x 15 cm, zalijeplje­nih na tkaninu. Vjerovatno je sačinjena u tom obliku kako bi je bilo moguće složiti bez opasnosti da se papir uništi po rubovima, što bi moglo značiti da je bila mobilna te namijenjena i radu na terenu. Bilješ­ke, nazivi i oznake na karti urađene su u nekoliko boja: nazivi toponima i granice ubilježeni su crnim mastilom, putne komunikacije, različite oznake uz nazive naselja, kao i bilješke na karti pisane su crve­nom bojom, dok su za distinkciju različitih granica korištene razne nijanse zelene, ljubičaste i smeđe boje. Pri vrhu karte upisan je naziv iz kojeg saznaje­mo da se radi o karti datiranoj prvoga dana mjeseca ramazana 1269. (8. juni 1853) godine, “reproduci- ranoj/kopiranoj iz karte evropskog kontinenta, na kojoj su predstavljene Crna Gora u okvirima san­džaka Skadar i Hercegovina, kao dijelovi Uzvišene Osmanske Države te luke Sutorina i Klek, koje se nalaze na obalama Dalmacije”.

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decree of Sultan Mahmud II (1808-1839), modeled on the Ecole militaire in France, in Istanbul in 1835 the military school - Mekteb-i harbiye was estab- lished (Ozcan, 1997: 115). In the aforementioned school, topographic maps were also produced and published, because in the mid-nineteenth century, the Ottoman administration’s interest in mapping the European parts of its empire was further stimulated by the demands of its military operations during the Ottoman-Russian wars, as well as by the consequent geopolitical changes that occurred as a result of the independence of certain parts of the Ottoman Em- pire (Altić, 2018: 333). The map analyzed here from 1853 was probably created in the aforementioned context and circumstances, but it is not indicated on it that it was created within the framework of the existing mentioned institutions, as is the case with some other maps from the considered period.¹

2. Title and description of the Ottoman map from 1853

The Ottoman map of the Sanjak of Herzegovina and the Sanjak of Skadar from 1853 is kept in the Otto- man Archive of the Presidency in Istanbul (BOA, HRT.h 102). The map shows the wider area of the Hercegovina and Skadar sanjaks, marked borders and specially marked mineral deposits, as well as the two exits of the Ottoman Empire to the Adri- atic Sea - the ports of Klek and Sutorina. For the purposes of this analysis, the original document was not used, but its digital copy made in color, which offers assumptions for its partial diplomatic descrip- tion. The map measures 74x47.5cm. It consists of 12 numbered individual pieces of paper, measur- ing approximately 18.5x15cm, glued to the fabric. It was probably made in this form so that it would be possible to stack it without the risk of the paper being destroyed at the edges, which could mean that it was mobile and intended for work in the field. The notes, names and markings on the map were made in several colors: toponym names and borders were recorded in black ink, road communications, various markings with the names of settlements as well as notes on the map were written in red, while different shades of green, purple and brown were used to distinguish different borders. At the top of the map is written the name from which we learn that it is a map dated the first day of the month of

¹ On a map of the Bosnian Vilayet, which is kept in the Ottoman arc- hive in Istanbul (T. C. Cumhurba^kanligi Devlet Ar^ivleri Ba^kanligi Osmanli Arhivi, hereinafter: BOA), in the Harita fund (hereinafter: HRT.h), it is written that it was printed at the printing press of the Military School in Istanbul in period 1869/70. Cf. BOA, HRT.h 723.

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lustracija 1. Naziv karte - Memalik-i Devlet-i Aliyyeden Hersek ve I^kodra sancaklari dahilinde bulunan Kara Dag ile Dalmagya sevahilinde kain Sutorina ve Klek limanlarinin Avrupa kit'asindan istinsah olunan hatita-i mustahidir. Fi gurre-i N. [Ramazan] sene 1269.

Illustration 1. Title of the map - Memalik-i Devlet-i Aliyyeden Hersek ve I^kodra sancaklari dahilinde bulunan Kara Dag ile Dalmagya sevahilinde kain Sutorina ve Klek limanlarinin Avrupa kit'asindan istinsah olunan harita-i mustahidir. Fi gurre-i N. [Ramazan] sene 1269.

Na karti je označen širi prostor Hercegovačkog san­džaka (Hersek sancagi) i Albanije (Arnabudluk). Ucrtane su granice između spomenutih oblasti i naznačeni njihovi nazivi. Ubilježena je granica iz­među Hercegovačkog sandžaka i susjednog Skadar­skog sandžaka, kao i obale Dalmacije (Dalmagya kit’asi) s nekim ostrvima u južnom dijelu Jadran­skog mora (Venedik korferzi). Granica između Her­cegovačkog sandžaka i Dalmacije obilježena je kratkim ograničenim dužima. S dalmatinske strane granica je dodatno označena graničnom trakom i obojena svijetlozelenom bojom, dok je s hercego­vačke obojena blijedoljubičastom. Granica između Hercegovačkog i Skadarskog sandžaka označena je isprekidanom linijom, s hercegovačke strane dodat­no obilježena i blijedom crvenom bojom, a sa ska­darske strane svijetlosmeđom. Granica Bosanskog s Rumelijskim ejaletom označena je blijedoružiča- stom. U dijelu Skadarskog sandžaka skicirane su još neke granice, ali nisu dodatno obilježene, iscrtane niti obojene. U skladu s osmanskim poimanjem vla­stitog prostora i granica, Crna Gora nije predstav­ljena kao samostalna državna jedinica, nego kao dio Skadarskog sandžaka. Razdaljina između pojedinih naselja označena je u satima, kako je navedeno u (osmanskom) mjerilu.

Autor je na karti krupnijim nazivima označio zna­čajnije i veće oblasti: Hercegovački sandžak (Her- sek sancagi), Dalmaciju (Dalmaqya kitasi), Albaniju (Arnabutluk), Crnu Goru (Kara Dag), grad Skadar (Igkodra), Spušku ravnicu (Ispuc sahrasi). Krugom ili nešto modifikovanim krugom s krakovima, od­nosno tačkama ucrtanim crvenom bojom, uz koje je upisan naziv, obilježeni su značajniji gradovi pred­stavljenog područja. U Dalmaciji to su: Split (Ispala- tro), Klis (Klis), Sinj (Sin), Omiš (Almissa), Makar­ska (Magarska), Metković (Metkovig), Austrijsko/ Novo? Slano (Nemge/Yenice? Slani), Dubrovnik, drugim imenom Raguza (Dobravenedik, nam-i diger Raguza) te Cavtat (Raguza-i Atik). U Bokokotor- skom zaljevu (Kotor limani) su označeni (Herceg) Novi (Kartel Novo), Perast (Berazto), tvrđava Kotor (Kotor kal’asi). Južnije su ubilježeni Budva (Budo- va) i Petrovac na moru pod starim nazivom kastel Lastva (Lastva) te u njegovoj blizini, negdje gdje je danas plaža Lučica, ubilježen je i toponim Oprašić

Ramadan 1269 (June 8, 1853), “reproduced/copied from a map of the European continent, on which Montenegro is represented within the framework of the Skadar and Herzegovina, as parts of the Sublime Ottoman State and the ports of Sutorina and Klek, which are located on the coasts of Dalmatia.”

On the map, the wider area of the Sanjak of Herze- govina (Hersek sancagi) and Albania (Arnabudluk) is marked. The borders between the mentioned ar- eas are drawn and their names are indicated. The border between the Sanjak of Herzegovina and neighboring Sanjak of Skadar is recorded, as well as the coast of Dalmatia (Dalmagya kit’asi) with some islands in the southern part of the Adriatic Sea (Venedik korferzi). The border between the Sanjak of Herzegovina and Dalmatia is marked by short, limited lines. On the Dalmatian side, the border is additionally marked with a border strip and color- ed light green, while on the Herzegovian side it is colored pale purple. The border between Herzego- vina and Skadar sandjak is marked with a broken line, on the Herzegovinian side additionally marked with a pale red color, and on the Skadar side with light brown. The border of Eyalet of Bosna with the Eyalet of Rumelia is marked in pale pink. In the part of the Sanjak of Skadar, some more borders were sketched, but they were not additionally marked, drawn or painted. In accordance with the Ottoman understanding of its own space and borders, Monte- negro is not presented as an independent state unit but as part of the Sanjak of Skadar. The distance between individual settlements is marked in hours, as stated in the (Ottoman) scale.

On the map, the author marked more significant and larger areas in larger letters: Sanjak of Herzegovinia (Hersek sancagi), Dalmatia (Dalmaqya kitasi), Al- bania (Arnabutluk), Montenegro (Kara Dag), the city of Skadar (Igkodra), Spuž plain (Ispuc sahrasi). A circle or a somewhat modified circle with arms or points drawn in red, next to which the name is written, marks the most important cities of the pre- sented area. In Dalmatia, these are: Split (Ispalatro), Klis (Klis), Sinj (Sin), Omiš (Almissa), Makarska (Magarska), Metković (Metkovig), Austrian/New? Slano (Nemge/Yenice? Slani), Dubrovnik, another name Raguza (Dobravenedik, nam-i diger Raguza)

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Tabela 1. Nazivi nekih većih oblasti i državnih cjelina područja predstavljenih na osmanskoj karti iz 1853. godine.

Table 1. Names of some larger areas and state units of the area represented on the Ottoman map from 1853.

(?) (Obrasige). Osim toga označen je i Bar, drugim imenom Antivari (Bar nam-i diger Antivan) te Ul- cinj (Ulkin) kao i neki gradovi u Albaniji do Tirane (Tirana), a u primorju Drač (Durago) s lukom (Du­rago limani). Na isti način označena je i granica iz­među navedenog prostora i Skadarskog sandžaka. I tu su označeni bitniji gradovi: Cetinje (petine), Pod- gorica (Potgorige), Spuž (Ispuc). Karta sadrži nazive još nekih toponima na crnogorskom i albanskom po­dručju koji ovom prilikom nisu ubicirani.

Osim u nazivu karte, i na samoj karti su naročito naglašeni i crvenom bojom napisani nazivi dva bit­na izlaza Osmanske države na Jadransko more: luka Klek (Klek limani) te Sutorina (Sutorina limani), u čijoj se blizini nalazila i jedna tabija (utvrda, basti­on, kula) za koju se napominje da je “ostala iz vre­mena Francuza” (Fransiz zamanindan kalmig olan tabiya). U vrijeme svoje kratkotrajne uprave u Dal­maciji od 1806. do 1813. godine, Francuzi su prove­li temeljite društvene reforme te sagradili veći broj građevina, prvenstveno potrebnih za vođenje ratnih operacija (up. Piplović, 2012). Međutim, u dostu­pnoj literaturi ne nalaze se podaci o francuskoj utvr­di na području Sutorine niti se ona može ubicirati. Na tzv. Taborićevim kartama sanitarnih kordona iz 1821. godine, ističe se dalmatinska poštanska cesta, dionica koju su preko Sutorine izgradili Francuzi 1811-1812. godine. Uz rijeku Sutorinu prikazan je i imenovan niz malih pritoka, ali je tu predočena samo osmanska utvrda iznad rta Kobila (Tuno et al., 2011: 37).

Osim toga, u ovom dijelu karte ucrtana su i obilje­žena i neka dalmatinska ostrva: Mljet (Mled adasi), Pelješac (Sabyongelo adasi), Lastovo (Lagosta adasi), Korčula (Korgula adasi), Brač (Braga adasi), Hvar (Lezina adasi) i otočić Šćedro, ranije Torkola (Torkola adasi).

and Cavtat (Raguza-i Atik). In the Bay of Kotor (Kotor limani) are marked (Herceg) Novi (Kag- tel Novo), Perast (Berazto), Kotor fortress (Kotor kal’asi). Further south, Budva (Budova) and Petro­vac na moru were recorded under the old name Kas- tel Lastva (Lastva), and in its vicinity, somewhere where Lučica beach is today, the toponym Oprašić (?) (Obrasige) was also recorded. In addition, Bar, with another name Antivari (Bar, nam-i diger An- tivari) and Ulcinj (Ulkin) are also marked as some cities in Albania up to Tiran (Tirana), and on the coast Durag (Durago) with a port (Durago limani). The border between the mentioned area and San- jak of Skadar is also marked in the same way. The more important cities are marked there: Cetinje (^e- tine), Podgorica (Potgorige), Spuž (Ispuc). The map contains the names of some other toponyms in the Montenegrin and Albanian areas that were not ana- lyzed on this occasion.

In addition to the name of the map, the names of the two important exits of the Ottoman state to the Adriatic Sea are particularly emphasized and writ- ten in red on the map itself: the port of Klek (Klek limani) and Sutorina (Sutorina limani), near which there was also a tabia (fort, bastion, tower) which is noted to be “left over from the time of the French” (Fransiz zamanindan kalmig olan tabiya). During their short-term administration in Dalmatia from 1806 to 1813, the French carried out thorough so- cial reforms and built a large number of buildings, primarily needed for conducting war operations (cf. Piplović, 2012). However, in the available literature there is no information about the French fortress in the area of Sutorina, nor can it be located. On the so-called Taborić’s maps of sanitary cordons from 1821 the Dalmatian postal road is highlighted, which is the section that was built by the French in

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Tabela 2. Dva izlaza Osmanske države na Jadransko more, luke Klek i Sutorina, na osmanskoj karti iz 1853. godine

Table 2. The two exits of the Ottoman state to the Adriatic Sea, the ports of Klek and Sutorina, on the Ottoman map from 1853.

Na karti nije ucrtan reljef niti hidrografska mreža, tek je nedovoljno precizno predstavljen sliv rijeke Neretve sve do ušća, dio toka rijeke Cetine, kao i sliv Skadarskog jezera i rijeke Bojane. Ubilježeno je nekoliko jezera na ovom prostranom području, a neka su i imenovana: Nikšićko jezero (Nik^ik goli), Trebinjsko jezero (Trebin goli), Skadarsko jezero (Igkodra goli), Rikavačko jezero (Rikavig goli), Plavsko jezero (Plava goli) te Jadransko more kao Mletački zaljev (Venedik korfezi).

Na karti je dat prilično vjeran raspored saobraćaj- nica, vjerovatno važnijih trgovačkih ruta, koje su trasirane i obilježene crvenom bojom. Raspored saobraćajnica na bosanskohercegovačkom prostoru sadrže i neke druge osmanske karte iz tog razdoblja, poput one izrađene u Istanbulu 1876. godine, koja je nastala povodom ratnih dešavanja u evropskom dijelu Osmanskog carstva u tom razdoblju i na ko­joj su, osim toga, prikazani i najvažniji topografski podaci, naselja, hidrografska mreža i sl. (Mulahusić et al., 2021). Spomenuta karta se čuva u Kartograf­skoj zbirci Nacionalne i univerzitetske biblioteke Bosne i Hercegovine, među svega nekoliko osman­skih karti na kojima je prikazan Bosanski ejalet/vi- lajet u 19. stoljeću. (Osmanović, 2023: 42-45).

I na našoj analiziranoj karti uz puteve su ubilježe- na i imenovana naselja. Manja mjesta obilježena su crvenim krugom, dok su neki gradovi na bitnim tr­govačkim rutama označeni sa po dva kruga jedan unutar drugog, a neki drugi omeđeni i krakovima u obliku zvijezde. Kako uz kartu nije ponuđena le­genda, odnosno tumač znakova, moguće je da su jednim crvenim krugom označena naselja na putu koja su općenito ili za autora karte bila od manjeg značaja, dok su s dva kruga, a neki i dodatnim kra­kovima, označeni značajniji i veći gradovi predoče­ne regije. Osim toga, analizom nekih drugih oznaka na karti može se zaključiti da je autor za oznaku ve-

1811-1812 through Sutorina. Along the river Suto- rina, a number of small tributaries are shown and named, but only the Ottoman fort above Cape Ko­bila is shown (Tuno et al., 2011: 37).

In addition, some Dalmatian islands are drawn and marked in this part of the map: Mljet (Mled adasi), Pelješac (Sabyongelo adasi), Lastovo (Lagos- ta adasi), Korčula (Korgula adasi), Brač (Braga adasi), Hvar (Lezina adasi) and the islet of Šćedro, formerly Torkola (Torkola adasi).

The map does not show the relief or the hydrograph- ic network, the Neretva River basin up to the mouth, part of the Cetina River course, as well as the Ska­dar Lake and Bojana River basins are insufficiently represented. Several lakes have been recorded in this vast area, and some have been named: Lake Nikšić (Nikgik goli), Lake Trebinje (Trebin goli), Lake Skadar (Igkodra goli), Lake Rikavač (Rikavig goli), Lake Plav (Plava goli) and The Adriatic Sea as the Gulf of Venice (Venedik Korfezi).

The map shows a fairly faithful arrangement of roads, probably more important trade routes, which are traced and marked in red. The layout of roads in Bosnia and Herzegovina is also drawn in some other Ottoman maps from that period, such as the one made in Istanbul in 1876, which was created due to the war events in the European part of the Ot- toman Empire in that period and which, in addition, shows the most important topographical data, set- tlements, hydrographic network, etc. (cf. Mulahusić et al., 2021). The mentioned map is kept in the Car- tographic Collection of the National and University Library of Bosnia and Herzegovina, among only a few Ottoman maps showing the Bosnian ejalet/vi- lajet in the 19th century. (Osmanović, 2023: 42-45). Also on our analyzed map, names of the settlements are noted along the roads. Smaller places are marked with a red circle, while some cities on important

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ćih osmanskih gradova naseljenih (pretežno) musli­manskim stanovništvom koristio znak polumjeseca s jednom ili dvije crte ispod, ovisno o veličini grada, dok je za naselja s većinskim kršćanskim stanovniš­tvom korišten znak križa.

U granicama Hercegovačkog sandžaka, pored naj­značajnijeg središta, grada Mostara, ubilježeni su još i Livno (Ihlevne), Šuica (Suige), Ljubuški (Li- bu^ka), Stara i Nova Gabela (Gabela-i Atik i Gabe- la-i Cedid), Počitelj (Pogitel), Stolac (Istolge), Lju- binje (Lubine), Staro Slano (Silano), Trebinje (Tre- bine), Foča (Foga) i drugi hercegovački gradovi, ali i drugi bitni gradovi na trgovačkim rutama: Više- grad (Vi^egrad), Rogatica (Qelebi Pazari), Goraž- de (Gorajde), Priboj (Pireboy), Pljevlja (Tablica), Nova Varoš (Yeni Varo^), Bijelo Polje (Bilepol), Prijepolje (Prepol), Sjenica (Senige) sve do Novog Pazara (Yeni Pazar) koji je izvan granica Bosanskog ejaleta, u dijelu označenom kao “Srbijanska strana” (Sirpistan tarafi). Kako je onovremena Hercego­vina bila mnogo veća od današnje Hercegovine, a Hercegovački sandžak u 19. stoljeću obuhvatao sljedeće kadiluke - sudske okruge: Mostar, Neve- sinje, Trebinje, Stolac, Bileća, Nikšić, Gacko, Foča, Konjic, Ljubuški i Piva (Šabanović, 1982: 234), sa­svim je razumljivo da u su okvirima granica Herce­govine prikazani i Nikšić (Nik^ik), Klobuk (Klobuk) i Grahovo (Grahova).

Neki gradovi u kojima su se nalazili važniji ili impo- zantniji fortifikacijski objekti, poput Počitelja, Klisa, Ljubuškog, Bara, Drača, Skadra, Žabljaka, uz naziv su dodatno obilježeni i tlocrtnim signaturama. Kako je već kazano, crvenim linijama označene su putne komunikacije među gradovima, ali i bilješke o tome gdje se na spomenutim putevima nalaze hanovi. Po­jedini hanovi su i ucrtani simboličkom tlocrtnom signaturom. U nekim bilješkama ispisanim crvenim mastilom uz pojedine toponime pojašnjeno je da su tu smještena bogata rudna nalazišta. Da je upravo vizualizacija pozicije rudnih nalazišta možda jedan od primarnih razloga nastanka ove karte, potvrđuje i jedna rečenica na karti koja glasi: “Osim naznačenih lokacija rudnika (ova karta) daje nazive i drugih mje­sta” (I$bu madeniyat gosterilen mehallerden ba^ka mehallerin esamisi mubeyyindir). Autor je, čini se, prvenstveno bio zainteresiran za bilježenje lokacija nalazišta uglja ili je, možda, za to na terenu pronašao najviše podataka. U tom smislu navodi rudnike ili nalazišta uglja kod Rotimlje, potom na potezu od Po- rima ka Mostaru, na Borcima te u blizini Nevesinja i Gacka. Moguće da je autor navedene podatke saznao informišući se lično u toku boravka u navedenim ha­novima na proputovanju regijom.

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trade routes are marked with two circles inside each other, and some others are delimited by star-shaped arms. As no legend or sign interpreter was provided with the map, it is possible that settlements on the road were marked with a single red circle, which in general or for the author of the map were of minor importance, while with two circles, and some with additional arms, more significant and larger cities were shown. In addition, by analyzing some other markings on the map, it can be concluded that the author used the sign of the crescent moon with one or two lines below, depending on the size of the city, to mark larger Ottoman cities inhabited by (predom- inantly) Muslim populations, while for settlements with a majority Christian population used the sign of the cross.

In the borders of the Sanjak of Herzegovina, in addition to the most important center, the city of Mostar, Livno (Ihlevne), Šuica (§ui$e), Ljubuški (Libuška), Old and New Gabela (Gabela-i Atik and Gabela-i Cedid), Pogitelj (Pogitel), Stolac (Istolge), Ljubinje (Lubine), Staro Slano (Silano), Trebinje (Trebine), Foča (Foga) and other Herzegovinian cit- ies are recorded, but also other important cities on trade routes: Višegrad (Vi^egrad), Rogatica (Qelebi Pazari), Goražde (Gorajde), Priboj (Pireboy), Plje- vlja (Tablica), Nova Varoš (Yeni Varo^), Bijelo Polje (Bilepol), Prijepolje (Prepol), Sjenica (Senige) all the way to Novi Pazar (Yeni Pazar) which is outside the border of the Bosnian Eyalet, in the part marked as “Serbian side” (Sirpistan tarafi). Since Herze- govina at that time was much larger than today’s Herzegovina, and the Sanjak of Herzegovina in the 19th century included the following judicial dis- tricts: Mostar, Nevesinje, Trebinje, Stolac, Bileća, Nikšić, Gacko, Foča, Konjic, Ljubuški and Piva (Šabanović, 1982 : 234), it is quite understandable that Nikšić (Nik§ik), Klobuk (Klobuk) and Graho­vo (Grahova) are also shown within the borders of Herzegovina.

Some towns where more important or imposing fortifications were located, such as Počitelj, Klis, Ljubuški, Bar, Durres, Shkodra, Žabljak, are ad- ditionally marked with ground plan signatures in addition to their names. As has already been said, red lines mark road connections between cities, but also notes about where inns are located on the men- tioned roads. Some inns are marked with a symbolic ground plan signature. In some notes written in red ink next to certain toponyms, it is clarified that there are rich ore deposits. The possibility that the visual- ization of the position of the ore deposits is perhaps one of the primary reasons for the creation of this

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Tabela 3. Bilješke o nalazištima ruda u Hercegovini na osmanskoj karti iz 1853. godine.

Table 3. Notes on ore deposits in Herzegovina on the Ottoman map from 1853.

Pored toga, na karti su ubilježena i nalazišta pleme­nitih metala. Jedna bilješka glasi: “U okolini kasabe Gradac nalaze se rudnici zlata i bakra.” (Gradac ka- sabasi civarlarinda altun ve bakir madenleri oldigi). Koji Gradac je u pitanju ovoga puta ne možemo od­gonetnuti budući da se na bosanskohercegovačkom prostoru nalazi više toponima istoga naziva. Druga slična bilješki na karti glasi: “Između hana u Tarčinu i kasabe Kreševo nalazi se rudnik srebra” (Dargin han ile Kreševo kasabasi beyninde gumug madeni oldigi), što kazuje da je područje Kreševa i tada bilo poznato po nalazištima srebra. Svi srednjovjekov­ni rudnici u centralnoj Bosni, od Fojnice i Kreševa sve do Vareša, u osmanskom periodu spadali su u has osmanskog sultana. Prema zakonu rudnika Kre­ševa iz 1489. godine, rudari su umjesto osnovnih državnih poreza plaćali godišnje od kuće po jedan dukat. Bili su oslobođeni svih vanrednih nameta i običajnih tereta, potom od poreza na mlinove i sitnu stoku, dok su plaćali npr. daće na pčelinje košnice, povrće i svinje. Glavni prihod od rudarstva pred­stavljala je proizvedena ruda. Od iskopane rudače, kao i od finalnog proizvoda, sultanu su davali dese-

map is confirmed by one sentence on the map that reads: “In addition to the indicated locations of the mines (this map) gives the names of other places as well” (Igbu madeniyat gosterilen mehallerden bagka mehallerin esamisi mubeyyindir). The author, it seems, was primarily interested in recording the locations of coal deposits or, perhaps, he found the most data for that in the field. In this sense, he men- tions coal mines or deposits near Rotimlja, then on the stretch from Porim to Mostar, in Borci and near Nevesinje and Gacko. It is possible that the author found out the mentioned information by personally informing himself during his stay in the mentioned inns while traveling through the region.

In addition, deposits of precious metals are noted on the map. One note reads: “There are gold and copper mines in the vicinity of Kasaba Gradac” (Gradac ka- sabasi civarlarinda altun ve bakir madenleri oldigi). We cannot figure out which Gradac is in question this time, since there are several toponyms of the same name in the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovi- na. Another similar note on the map reads: “Between

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tinu. Ostali proizvod bio je njihov, s tim što su zlato i srebro morali predati državnoj kovnici novca po određenoj cijeni (Handžić, 1984: 334). U jednom popisu rudnika na prostoru Osmanske države sači­njenom 1857. godine, između ostalih, na prostoru Bosanskog ejaleta navode se rudnici srebra i zlata na području Kreševa i Prozora te Srebrenice, Donje Tuzle i Gradačca (Tizlak, 1996: 707 i 709).

Interesantna je i sljedeća zabilješka koja govori o austrijskoj eksploataciji ruda, odnosno minerala s bosanskohercegovačkog područja u osmanskom periodu: “Između kasabe Busovača i sela Vareš nalazi se rudnik žute boje² koji na svoj način ek- sploatišu Austrijanci uzimajući od svakog sela če- tiri-pet groša” (Busovaga kasabasiyla Vireg karye- si arasinda sari boya madeni olub kendi tabiatla isti’mal oldigina Avusturyalilar beher karyesin kirk beg gurug almakda oldiklari). Što se tiče koncesi­ja stranim državljanima za korištenje rudnika na osmanskom teritoriju, one su davane i kasnije. Npr. u aprilu 1872. godine, po naredbi sultana, data je koncesija engleskom državljaninu Alfredu Wilkin- sonu da koristi rudnik žive u Kreševu pod uslovom da poštuje carski Pravilnik o rudnicima (Aganoglu, Bayram & Yildizta§, 2009: 219-221).

3. Kontekst u kojemu karta nastaje

Kada se na osnovu bilješke koju sadrži zna da je ovdje analizirana karta nastala u ljeto 1853. godine, tada možemo imati na umu više mogućih okolnosti i razloga za njen nastanak. U 19. stoljeću izvršene su određene administrativne izmjene na prostoru Bosanskog ejaleta. Između ostalog, 1826. godine ukinut je Kliški, a 1833. godine Zvornički sandžak i njihov teritorij priključen je Bosanskom sandža­ku, dok je Hercegovački sandžak pretvoren u pose­ban ejalet. Reformama Omer-paše Latasa u periodu 1850-52. ukinuti su svi klasični upravni termini (sandžak/liva, kadiluk) i zamijenjeni drugim na­zivima te je uvedena nova krupna administrativna podjela prostora na kajmekamluke (okružja) i mu- dirluke (srezove) (Šabanović, 1982: 232). Ipak, ukoliko se analiziraju nazivi pojedinih teritorijalnih

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the han in Tarčin and the Kasaba Kreševo there is a silver mine” (Dargin han ile Kregevo kasabasi bein- de gumu madeni oldigi), which means that the area of Kreševo was known for its silver deposits even then. All the medieval mines in central Bosnia, from Fojnica and Kreševo all the way to Vareš, in the Ot- toman period belonged to the Ottoman sultan. Ac- cording to the law of the Kreševo mine from 1489, instead of basic state taxes, miners paid one ducat per year from home. They were exempt from all ex- traordinary levies and customary burdens, like tax- es on mills and small livestock, while they paid e.g. taxes on beehives, vegetables and pigs. The main income from mining was the produced ore. From the mined ore, as well as from the final product, tithes were given to the sultan. The rest of the product was theirs, with the fact that they had to hand over the gold and silver to the state mint at a certain price (Handžić, 1984: 334). In one list of mines in the ter- ritory of the Ottoman Empire made in 1857, among others, in the area of the Eyalet of Bosnia, silver and gold mines in the area of Kreševo and Prozor and Srebrenica, Donje Tuzla and Gradačac ubaciti are stated (Tizlak, 1996: 707, 709).

The following note is also interesting, which talks about the Austrian exploitation of ores or minerals from Bosnia and Herzegovina during the Ottoman period: “Between the village of Busovača and the village of Vareš, there is a yellow colour² mine that the Austrians exploit in their own way, taking four to five groschi from each village” (Busovaga ka- sabasiyla Vireg karyesi arasinda sari boya madeni olub kendi tabiatla isti’mal oldigina Avusturyalilar beher karyesin kirk beg gurug almakda oldiklari). As for concessions to foreigns for the use of mines on Ottoman territory, they were also granted later. E.g. in April 1872, by order of the sultan, a con- cession was granted to the English citizen Alfred Wilkinson to use the mercury mine in Kreševo on the condition that he respects the Imperial Rulebook on Mines (Aganoglu, Bayram & Yildizta§, 2009: 219-221).

² We are not sure what the author means by the color yellow. It is possible that it is limonite, a widespread iron ore that can be reddish, brown or yellow in color depending on its composition and amount of water. Yellow-colored earthy limonite is called ocher; it has been used in fresco painting since ancient times, and even today it serves as a pigment in the production of paints. It is most often found in iron sedimentary deposits and in some places creates large deposits and is a very important ore for obtaining iron (URL 1). And maybe it could also be cadmium, which is created as a by-product in the produc- tion of zinc, copper and lead. Cadmium sulfide is used as a painting color (cadmium yellow). It was discovered by the German chemist F. Stromeyer in 1817. (URL 2). Among the color pigment mines in the Ottoman state in a list from 1875, this mine is not mentioned. (Cf. Tizlak, 1996).

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jedinica navedenih na karti iz 1853. godine, stječe se dojam da njen autor još uvijek nije bio upućen u navedene izmjene, koje su, svakako, i bile privre­menog karaktera.

Razlog zbog kojeg je na karti predstavljen samo prostor Hercegovačkog i Skadarskog sandžaka može se dovesti u vezu s činjenicom da se to po­dručje u razmatranom periodu nalazilo u fokusu svjetskih dešavanja usljed samoproglašenja Crne Gore kneževinom i upada crnogorskih razbojnika na područje Hercegovačkog sandžaka, što je bio povod za pohode osmanskih vlasti protiv Crne Gore u periodu 1852-53. godine. U istom periodu dolazi do ustanka kršćanskih seljaka u istočnoj Hercego­vini. Crnogorski knjaz Danilo pomagao je ustanike u graničnim krajevima, smatrajući ih sastavnim di­jelom Crne Gore. Budući da su ti krajevi bili gra­nični i prema Austriji, našli su se u žarištu intere­sa i Osmanskog carstva i Austrije te predstavljali sastavni dio “Istočnog pitanja”.³ Osim unutarnjih, ovaj pohod vezuje se i za vanjske faktore. Jedan od njih odnosi se na konstantne austrijske pritiske na Osmansko carstvo da se odrekne svojih luka u Ja­dranskom moru - Kleka i Sutorine (Golen, 2009: 224-225). Pored toga, u Bosnu i u Hercegovinu je nakon 1851. godine iz Crne Gore bilo moguće ući samo uz potvrdu o prolasku (murur tezkiresi), a od 1854. godine bilo je zabranjeno da uđe iko ko nije imao “pasoš” (Golen, 2014: 659). To su mogući ra­zlozi zašto su na karti pomno ucrtane i obilježene međudržavne granice, kao i izlazi Osmanskog car­stva na Jadransko more. Osim toga, nastanak karte može se dovesti u vezu i s ekonomskim razlozima, zbog čega su ucrtane putne komunikacije bitne za odvijanje trgovine, ali i za mogućnosti eksploata­cije ruda. Što se tiče prikazanih podataka o rudnim bogatstvima, bez dodatnog istraživanja nije moguće kazati u kojoj mjeri su istiniti svi navedeni podaci. Neki izvori pokazuju da je Osmanska država bila zainteresirana za ulaganje u eksploataciju rudnika. Sadržaj jednog dokumenta od 24. 5. 1842. godine ukazuje na to da, uprkos tome što se suma koju je trebalo odvojiti za ponovno pokretanje proizvod­nje u rudnicima kamenog uglja i zlata u planinskim predjelima u nahijama Visoko i Konjic (Fojnica?) činila prevelikom, osmanski sultan ipak odlučuje i donosi naredbu da se investira u ove rudnike sma­trajući su oni rentabilni i da će se u budućnosti in­vesticija isplatiti (Aganoglu, Bayram & Yildizta§,

3. The context in which the map is created

When, based on the note it contains, it is known that the map analyzed here was created in the summer of 1853, then we can keep in mind several possible circumstances and reasons for its creation. In the 19th century, certain administrative changes were made in the area of the Bosnian Eyalet. Among oth- er things, in 1826 the Sanjak of Klis was abolished, and in 1833 the Sanjak of Zvornik and their territo- ry were annexed to the Sanjak of Bosnia, while the Sanjak of Herzegovina was turned into a separate Eyalet. With the reforms of Omer Pasha Latas in the period 1850-52, all classic administrative terms (sanjak/liva, kadiluk) were abolished and replaced by other names, and a new large-scale administra- tive division of space into kaymekamluks (districts) and mudirluks (sections) was introduced (Šabano- vić, 1982: 232). However, if one analyzes the names of individual territorial units listed on the map from 1853, one gets the impression that its author was still not aware of the aforementioned changes, which were of a temporary nature.

The reason why only the area of the sanjaks of Her- zegovina and Skadar is represented on the map can be related to the fact that in the considered period that area was in the focus of world events due to the self-proclamation of Montenegro as a principality and the incursion of Montenegrin bandits into the area of the Sanjak of Herzegovina, which was the reason for the campaigns of the Ottoman authori- ties against Montenegro in the period 1852-53. In the same period, there was an uprising of Christian peasants in eastern Herzegovina. Prince Danilo of Montenegro helped the insurgents in the border re- gions, considering them an integral part of Monte- negro. Since these regions bordered Austria as well, they were at the center of interest of both the Ot- toman Empire and Austria and represented an in­tegral part of the “Eastern Question”.³ In addition to internal factors, this campaign is also linked to external factors. One of them refers to the constant Austrian pressure on the Ottoman Empire to give up its ports in the Adriatic Sea - Klek and Sutori- na (Golen, 2009: 224-225). In addition, after 1851, it was possible to enter Bosnia and Herzegovina from Montenegro only with a certificate of passage (murur tezkiresi), and from 1854 it was forbidden to enter anyone who did not have a “passport” (Golen,

³ Z. Golen writes exhaustively about all the stages of the Ottoman campaign in Montenegro in the period 1852-1853, using the original archival material of Ottoman origin, and in his work he also gives several maps of that area with the direction of movement of the Otto- man troops (Cf. Golen, 2009).

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2009: 208-210). Konačno, može se zaključiti da je autor u prvom redu kao podlogu i izvor informacija koristio neku kartu Evrope, kako je naglašeno u sa­mom naslovu. Iako nam nije poznato o kojoj karti se radi, postoje dokazi o kasnijoj upotrebi Kieperto- vih karata od strane Osmanskog generalštaba onda kada je trebalo zvanično označiti granicu između Crne Gore i Osmanskog carstva 1860. godine. Zbog toga je 1862. godine Kipertova karta Crne Gore, u razmjeri 1 : 500.000, prevedena na osmanski turski i korištena u svrhu sastavljanja izvještaja o novoj granici sa Crnom Gorom (Altić, 2018: 328).

Osim toga, ova karta mogla je nastati i na osnovu vlastitih skica autora nastalih u toku eventualnog obilaženja ovih prostora, a dodatne bilješke na karti vjerovatno predstavljaju vlastiti doprinos nepozna­tog autora kroz saznanja u toku boravka na terenu. Međutim, u nedostatku dodatnih izvora, nije mo­guće utvrditi je li karta nastala samoinicijativno ili su autora (autore) angažirale osmanske vlasti da je sačini.

4. Zaključak

Nakon analize karte osmanske karte Hercegovač­kog i Skadarskog sandžaka iz 1853. godine, može se pretpostaviti da je navedena karta nacrtana slo­bodnom rukom bez korištenja mjernih instrumena­ta, odnosno da je precrtana iz neke već postojeće opće karte Evrope, kako je to u naslovu i naglašeno, a da su potom u nju unesene dodatne bilješke njenog (nepoznatog) autora ili više autora. Karta je nastala u ljeto 1853. godine, što predstavlja period nepo­sredno nakon seljačkih ustanaka u istočnoj Herce­govini i osmanskog pohoda na Crnu Goru. S obzi­rom na različitost podataka koje ova karta sadrži, može se pretpostaviti da je njen autor bio vrlo blisko upoznat s navedenim područjem. Možda je lično boravio u navedenom području na vojnom pohodu ili nekom istraživačkom boravku kako bi zabilježio značajnija obilježja ovih pograničnih osmanskih krajeva u razmatranom periodu. Nije nam poznato jesu li autora angažirale osmanske vlasti koje su na osnovu podataka na karti možda nastojale procijeni­ti interes Osmanske države za prostor Bosne i Her­cegovine, kojoj je prijetila skora austrougarska oku­pacija. U tom smislu, moguće je da su zbog toga na karti navedene i neke geostrateške prednosti ovog dijela osmanske teritorije: nalazišta ruda i rudna bo­gatstva, dva izlaza na Jadransko more te razmještaj nekoliko jakih pograničnih utvrđenja. Međutim, za sada, u nedostatku pokazatelja iz drugih izvora, ova karta kao jedini analizirani izvor ne nudi konačne

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2014: 659). These are possible reasons why inter- state borders, as well as the exits of the Ottoman Empire to the Adriatic Sea, are carefully drawn and marked on the map. In addition, the creation of the map can also be linked to economic reasons, which is why marked road communications are essential for the development of trade, but also for the pos- sibility of mining ores. As for the presented data on mineral resources, without additional research it is not possible to say to what extent all the stated data are true. Some sources show that the Ottoman state was interested in investing in mining exploitation. Contents of a document dated 05/24/1842 indicates that, despite the fact that the sum that had to be set aside for restarting production in the coal and gold mines in the mountain areas in the districts of Vi­soko and Konjic (Fojnica?) seemed too large, the Ottoman sultan nevertheless decided and issued an order to invest into these mines considering that they are profitable and that the investment will pay off in the future (Aganoglu, Bayram & Yildizta§, 2009: 208-210). Finally, it can be concluded that the author primarily used a map of Europe as a ba- sis and source of information, as emphasized in the title itself. Although we do not know which map it is, there is evidence of the later use of Kiepert’s maps by the Ottoman General Staff when the bor- der between Montenegro and the Ottoman Empire was to be officially marked in 1860. Therefore, in 1862, Kipert’s map of Montenegro, on a scale of 1:500,000, was translated into Ottoman Turkish and used for the purpose of compiling a report on the new border with Montenegro (Altić, 2018: 328). In addition, this map could have also been created based on the author’s own sketches created during a possible tour of these areas, and the additional notes on the map probably represent the unknown author’s own contribution through the knowledge gained during his stay in the field. However, in the absence of additional sources, it is not possible to determine whether the map was created on its own initiative or whether the author(s) were hired by the Ottoman authorities to create it.

4. Conclusion

After analyzing the map of the Ottoman map of san- jaks of Herzegovina and Skadar from 1853, it can be assumed that the mentioned map was drawn free- hand without the use of measuring instruments, i.e. that it was redrawn from an already existing general map of Europe, as it is emphasized in the title, and that then additional notes of its (unknown) author or several authors were entered into it. The map was

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odgovore na pitanja razloga i okolnosti njenog na­stanka. Ipak, samo njeno postojanje sugeriše da je možda osmanska vlast u datom trenutku na odre­đenim instancama razmatrala geostrateške karak­teristike ovog područja. Ne znamo kome je tačno bila namijenjena ova karta i u koju svrhu/svrhe je sačinjena, ali je najvjerovatnije primarno bila zani­mljiva čitateljima iz osmanske upravljačke i vojne elite. Iako se karta ne čuva u bosanskohercegovač- kim baštinskim institucijama, svojim interesantnim sadržajem ona svakako predstavlja jedan od bitnih izvora za izučavanje historije bosanskohercegovač- kog prostora u razmatranom periodu.

created in the summer of 1853, which represents the period immediately after the peasant uprisings in eastern Herzegovina and the Ottoman campaign in Montenegro. Considering the variety of information that this map contains, it can be assumed that its au- thor was very familiar with the mentioned area. Per- haps he personally stayed in the mentioned area on a military campaign or some research stay in order to record the more significant features of these Otto- man borderlands in the period under consideration. We do not know whether the author was engaged by the Ottoman authorities who, based on the data on the map, may have tried to assess the Ottoman state’s interest in the territory of Bosnia and Herze- govina, which was threatened by the imminent Aus- tro-Hungarian occupation. In this sense, it is possi- ble that this is why some geostrategic advantages of this part of Ottoman territory are indicated on the map: deposits of ores and mineral wealth, two exits to the Adriatic Sea and the deployment of several strong border fortifications. However, for now, in the absence of indicators from other sources, this map, as the only analyzed source, does not offer de- finitive answers to the questions of the reasons and circumstances of its creation. However, its very ex- istence suggests that perhaps the Ottoman govern- ment at a given moment considered the geostrategic characteristics of this area. We do not know exactly who this map was intended for and for what pur- pose/purposes it was made, but most likely it was primarily of interest to readers from the Ottoman management and military elite. Although the map is not kept in the heritage institutions of Bosnia and Herzegovina, with its interesting content it certainly represents one of the important sources for studying the history of the area of Bosnia and Herzegovina in the considered period.

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Bibliografija / Bibliography

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