Historical Journal, Vol. 3 No. 1-4, 1950.
Original scientific paper
Summary
Vladimir Košćak
Abstract
The events which took place in the Danubian lowlands in 1848 present historical research with many interesting problems. One such problem, most important for understanding the situation at that time in Croatia, is the stand of the members of the Croatian-Hungarian party or, as they were called, the »Madžarons« (Hungarophiles).
In the introduction of this article a description is given of the constitutional connection that had existed for several hundred years between Hungary and Croatia, and also of the origin of the Croatian-Hungarian party which was formed in 1841 as the first political party in Croatia, and with the aim of increasing Hungarian domination and the use of the Hungarian language in Croatia. The author then describes in short the struggle that took place between this party and the Illyrian or National party before the events of March 1848. It was on this date that the National party came into power, and Colonel Josip Baron Jelačić was appointed Ban. On May 8th. 1848 Jelačić dismissed the Zagreb County Council and appointed Illyrians instead of Madžarons, and on the same day the Hungarian club was closed. Immediately persecution of the members of the Croatian-Hungarian party began, and such was the situation that they left Croatia and fled to Austria, especially to Graz, and Hungary. Those who had fled to Austria led a quiet life as private citizens up to the time of their later return. Those who emigrated to Hungary the author divides into four categories: 1) those who lived far from any political happenings, 2) those who joined the administrative service of the Batthyány The events which took place in the Danubian lowlands in 1848 present historical research with many interesting problems. One such problem, most important for understanding the situation at that time in Croatia, is the stand of the members of the Croatian-Hungarian party or, as they were called, the »Madžarons« (Hungarophiles).
In the introduction of this article a description is given of the constitutional connection that had existed for several hundred years between Hungary and Croatia, and also of the origin of the Croatian-Hungarian party which was formed in 1841 as the first political party in Croatia, and with the aim of increasing Hungarian domination and the use of the Hungarian language in Croatia. The author then describes in short the struggle that took place between this party and the Illyrian or National party before the events of March 1848. It was on this date that the National party came into power, and Colonel Josip Baron Jelačić was appointed Ban. On May 8th. 1848 Jelačić dismissed the Zagreb County Council and appointed Illyrians instead of Madžarons, and on the same day the Hungarian club was closed. Immediately persecution of the members of the Croatian-Hungarian party began, and such was the situation that they left Croatia and fled to Austria, especially to Graz, and Hungary. Those who had fled to Austria led a quiet life as private citizens up to the time of their later return. Those who emigrated to Hungary the author divides into four categories: 1) those who lived far from any political happenings, 2) those who joined the administrative service of the Batthyány government, 3) those who enlisted in the Hungarian army, and 4) those who became members of the Hungarian revolutionary parliament.
The first reaction to the flight into emigration was a summons from the Zagreb County Council to all emigrants to return to their country before the 5th. of June 1848. A short time afterwards the Croatian parliament passed a measure stating that all persons living >idly out of the country must pay double taxes. Jelačić again issued an order that all returning persons must sign a formal declaration swearing allegiance to their country. The attitude towards the emigrants there were about 140 of them became more stern however when war broke out between Croatia and Hungary on September 10th. 1848. The Zagreb County Council forbad them to return, and those who did so were arrested. The hardest measure taken against the emigrants however was the sequestration of their property, the initiative for which measure was also given by County Council which, in all matters relating to the emigrants, was consistently in opposition to the Banal Council and to Jelačić himself.
At the beginning of 1849 the emigrants, under the protection of Jelačić and of the Austrian and Hungarian aristocracy, started to return. They were received back into Croatia with great distrust and an attempt was made to put them on trial. To effect this the vice-ban Mirko Lentulay, who was also president of the Banal Council, established courts and appointed public prosecutors to start proceedings against the emigrants. But the efforts of the Austrian military courts in Hungary. which had arrogated sole jurisdiction for sentencing the emigrants, the loyalty of the emigrants to the imperial authorities, and also a certain passiveness in official Croatian circles paralysed these endeavours of Lentulay. After the supression of the Hungarian insurrection in 1849 large numbers of the emigrants returned home. Their properties were released and handed back to them, and the custodians of the sequestrated properties were bound to submit detailed accounts of their administration. The returned emigrants however went even further and demanded back their former positions and a re-entry into public life. In this they partly suceeded owing to the favour of the Austrian and Hungarian aristocracy which saw in the Madžarons a counter-balance to the Croatian national movement.
The course of action taken towards the emigrant landowners who were entitled to indemnity for their lost serfs when serfdom was abolished in 1848 is discussed seperately. All indemnity was to be denied to emigrants, but here as with other measures, the reprisals that had been planned were in the end simply disregarded. In the conclusion the author explains the reasons for the emigration of members of the Croatian-Hungarian party, and sets their position against the background of the general political pattern in the Danubian lowlands in 1848/9. Their role was a reactionary one, and they did not contribute anything to the European progressive movement of that time, nor to the struggle of their own people for independent national development.
Keywords
Hrčak ID:
327561
URI
Publication date:
10.5.1950.
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